How long are you going to wait before you demand the best for yourself and in no instance bypass the discriminations of reason?
You have been given the principles that you ought to endorse, and you have endorsed them. What kind of teacher, then, are you still waiting for in order to refer your self-improvement to him?
You are no longer a boy, but a full-grown man. If you are careless and lazy now and keep putting things off and always deferring the day after which you will attend to yourself, you will not notice that you are making no progress, but you will live and die as someone quite ordinary.
From now on, then, resolve to live as a grown-up who is making progress, and make whatever you think best a law that you never set aside.
And whenever you encounter anything that is difficult or pleasurable, or highly or lowly regarded,
remember that the contest is now: you are at the Olympic Games, you cannot wait any longer,
and that your progress is wrecked or preserved by a single day and a single event.
That is how Socrates fulfilled himself by attending to nothing except reason in everything he encountered. And you, although you are not yet a Socrates, should live as someone who at least wants to be a Socrates.
Category: Favorite Passages
Seneca – Letter XLI, On the God Within Us
You are doing an excellent thing, one which will be wholesome for you, if, as you write me, you are persisting in your effort to attain sound understanding; it is foolish to pray for this when you can acquire it from yourself. We do not need to uplift our hands towards heaven, or to beg the keeper of a temple to let us approach his idol’s ear, as if in this way our prayers were more likely to be heard.
God is near you, he is with you, he is within you. This is what I mean, Lucilius: a holy spirit indwells within us, one who marks our good and bad deeds, and is our guardian. As we treat this spirit, so are we treated by it. Indeed, no man can be good without the help of God. Can one rise superior to fortune unless God helps him to rise? He it is that gives noble and upright counsel. In each good man A god doth dwell, but what god know we not.
If ever you have come upon a grove that is full of ancient trees which have grown to an unusual height, shutting out a view of the sky by a veil of pleached and intertwining branches, then the loftiness of the forest, the seclusion of the spot, and your marvel at the thick unbroken shade in the midst of the open spaces, will prove to you the presence of deity. Or if a cave, made by the deep crumbling of the rocks, holds up a mountain on its arch, a place not built with hands but hollowed out into such spaciousness by natural causes, your soul will be deeply moved by a certain intimation of the existence of God. We worship the sources of mighty rivers; we erect altars at places where great streams burst suddenly from hidden sources; we adore springs of hot water as divine, and consecrate certain pools because of their dark waters or their immeasurable depth.
If you see a man who is unterrified in the midst of dangers, untouched by desires, happy in adversity, peaceful amid the storm, who looks down upon men from a higher plane, and views the gods on a footing of equality, will not a feeling of reverence for him steal over you, will you not say: “This quality is too great and too lofty to be regarded as resembling this petty body in which it dwells? A divine power has descended upon that man.”
When a soul rises superior to other souls, when it is under control, when it passes through every experience as if it were of small account, when it smiles at our fears and at our prayers, it is stirred by a force from heaven. A thing like this cannot stand upright unless it be propped by the divine. Therefore, a greater part of it abides in that place from whence it came down to earth. Just as the rays of the sun do indeed touch the earth, but still abide at the source from which they are sent; even so the great and hallowed soul, which has come down in order that we may have a nearer knowledge of divinity, does indeed associate with us, but still cleaves to its origin; on that source it depends, thither it turns its gaze and strives to go, and it concerns itself with our doings only as a being superior to ourselves.
What, then, is such a soul? One which is resplendent with no external good, but only with its own. For what is more foolish than to praise in a man the qualities which come from without?
And what is more insane than to marvel at characteristics which may at the next instant be passed on to someone else?
A golden bit does not make a better horse. The lion with gilded mane, in process of being trained and forced by weariness to endure the decoration, is sent into the arena in quite a different way from the wild lion whose spirit is unbroken; the latter, indeed, bold in his attack, as nature wished him to be, impressive because of his wild appearance, – and it is his glory that none can look upon him without fear, – is favoured in preference to the other lion, that languid and gilded brute.
No man ought to glory except in that which is his own. We praise a vine if it makes the shoots teem with increase, if by its weight it bends to the ground the very poles which hold its fruit; would any man prefer to this vine one from which golden grapes and golden leaves hang down? In a vine the virtue peculiarly its own is fertility; in man also we should praise that which is his own.
Suppose that he has a retinue of comely slaves and a beautiful house, that his farm is large and large his income; none of these things is in the man himself; they are all on the outside.
Praise the quality in him which cannot be given or snatched away, that which is the peculiar property of the man. Do you ask what this is? It is soul, and reason brought to perfection in the soul. For man is a reasoning animal.
Therefore, man’s highest good is attained, if he has fulfilled the good for which nature designed him at birth. And what is it which this reason demands of him? The easiest thing in the world, – to live in accordance with his own nature. But this is turned into a hard task by the general madness of mankind; we push one another into vice. And how can a man be recalled to salvation, when he has none to restrain him, and all mankind to urge him on? Farewell.
“Meditations” Book II: Passage I
MEMENTO MORI
Remember how long thou hast already put off these things, and how often a certain day and hour as it were, having been set unto thee by the gods, thou hast neglected it.
It is high time for thee to understand the true nature both of the world, whereof thou art a part; and of that Lord and Governor of the world, from whom, as a channel from the spring, thou thyself didst flow:
And that there is but a certain limit of time appointed unto thee, which if thou shalt not make use of to calm and allay the many distempers of thy soul, it will pass away and thou with it, and never after return.
I-Ching (Book of Changes) Pt. 2
PATIENCE & INNER STRENGTH
The rain will come in its own time. We cannot make it come; we have to wait for it.
STRENGTH WITHIN; danger in front.
Strength in the face of danger does not plunge ahead but bides its time, whereas weakness in the face of danger grows agitated and has not the patience to wait.
Waiting is not mere empty hoping. It has the inner certainty of reaching the goal. Such certainty alone gives that light which leads to success. This leads to the perseverance that brings good fortune and bestows power to cross the great water.
One is faced with a danger that has to be overcome. Weakness and impatience can do nothing.
Only a strong man can stand up to his fate, for his inner security enables him to endure to the end. This strength shows itself in uncompromising truthfulness with himself.
It is only when we have the COURAGE to face things exactly as they are, without any sort of self-deception or illusion, that a light will develop out of events, by which the path to success may be recognized.
This recognition must be followed by PERSISTENT ACTION!
For only the man who goes to meet his fate resolutely is equipped to deal with it adequately. Then he will be able to cross the great water; he will be capable of making the necessary decision and of surmounting the danger.
Gorgias (Plato)
Socrates: Then rhetoric is not the only artificer of persuasion?
Gorgias: True.
Socrates: Seeing, then, that not only rhetoric works by persuasion, but that other arts do the same, as in the case of the painter, a question has arisen which is a very fair one:
Of what persuasion is rhetoric the artificer, and about what? Is not that a fair way of putting the question?
Gorgias: I think so.
Socrates: Then, if you approve the question, Gorgias, what is the answer?
Gorgias: I answer, Socrates, that rhetoric is the art of persuasion in courts of law and other assemblies, as I was just now saying, and about the just and unjust.
Socrates: And that, Gorgias, was what I was suspecting to be your notion; yet I would not have you wonder if by-and-by I am found repeating a seemingly plain question; for I ask not in order to confute you, but as I was saying that the argument may proceed consecutively, and that we may not get the habit of anticipating and suspecting the meaning of one another’s words; I would have you develop your own views in your own way, whatever may be your hypothesis.
Gorgias: I think that you are quite right, Socrates.
Socrates: Then let me raise another question; there is such a thing as “Having learned?”
Gorgias: Yes.
Socrates: And there is also “Having believed?”
Gorgias: Yes.
Socrates: And is the “Having learned” the same as “Having believed?”
Gorgias: In my judgment, Socrates, they are not the same.
Socrates: And your judgment is right, as you may ascertain in this way: If a person were to say to you, “Is there, Gorgias, a false belief as well as a true?” You would reply, “If I am not mistaken, that there is.”
Gorgias: Yes.
Socrates: Well, but is there a false knowledge as well as a true?
Gorgias: No.
Socrates: No, indeed; and this again proves that knowledge and belief differ.
Gorgias: Very true.
Socrates: And yet those who have learned as well as those who have believed are persuaded?
Gorgias: Just so.
Socrates: Shall we then assume two sorts of persuasion; one which is the source of belief without knowledge; as the other is of knowledge?
Gorgias: By all means.
Socrates: And which sort of persuasion does rhetoric create in courts of law and other assemblies about the just and unjust, the sort of persuasion which gives belief without knowledge, or that which gives knowledge?
Gorgias: Clearly, Socrates, that which only gives belief.
Socrates: Then rhetoric, as would appear, is the artificer of a persuasion which creates belief about the just and unjust, but gives no instruction about them?
Gorgias: True.
Socrates: And the rhetorician does not instruct the courts of law or other assemblies about things just and unjust, but he creates belief about them; for no one can be supposed to instruct such a vast multitude about such high matters in a short time?
Gorgias: Certainly not.
Socrates: Come, then, and let us see what we really mean about rhetoric; for I do not know what my own meaning is as yet. When the assembly meets to elect a physician or a shipwright or any other craftsman, will the rhetorician be taken into counsel?
Surely not. For at every election he ought to be chosen who is most skilled; and, again, when walls have to be built or harbors or docks to be constructed, not the rhetorician but the master workman will advise; or when generals have to be chosen and an order of battle arranged, or a proposition taken, then the military will advise and not the rhetoricians: what do you say, Gorgias?
Since you profess to be a rhetorician and a maker of rhetoricians, I cannot do better than learn the nature of your art from you. And here let me assure you that I have your interest in view as well as my own. For likely enough someone or other of the young men present might desire to become your pupil, and in fact I see some, and a good many too, who have this wish, but they would be too modest to question you.
And therefore, when you are interrogated by me, I would have you imagine that you are interrogated by them.
“What is the use of coming to you, Gorgias!?”
They will say about what you teach on advising the state. About the just and unjust only, or about those other things also which Socrates has just mentioned. How will you answer them?
Gorgias: I like your way of leading us on, Socrates, and I will endeavor to reveal to you the whole nature of rhetoric. You must have heard, I think, that the docks and the walls of the Athenians and the plan of the harbor were devised in accordance with the counsels, partly of Themistocles, and partly of Pericles, and not at the suggestion of the builders.
Socrates: Such is the tradition, Gorgias, about Themistocles; and I myself heard the speech of Pericles when he advised us about the middle wall.
Gorgias: And you will observe, Socrates, that when a decision has to be given in such matters the rhetoricians are the advisers; they are the men who win their point.
Socrates: I had that in my admiring mind, Gorgias, when I asked what is the nature of rhetoric, which always appears to me, when I look at the matter in this way, to be a marvel of greatness.
Gorgias: A marvel, indeed, Socrates, if you only knew how rhetoric comprehends and holds under her sway all the inferior arts. Let me offer you a striking example of this.
On several occasions I have been with my brother Herodicus or some other physician to see one of his patients, who would not allow the physician to give him medicine, or apply a knife or hot iron to him; and I have persuaded him to do for me what he would not do for the physician just by the use of rhetoric.
And I say that if a rhetorician and a physician were to go to any city, and had there to argue in the Ecclesia or any other assembly as to which of them should be elected state-physician, the physician would have no chance; but he who could speak would be chosen if he wished; and in a contest with a man of any other profession the rhetorician more than any one would have the power of getting himself chosen, for he can speak more persuasively to the multitude than any of them, and on any subject.
Such is the nature and power of the art of RHETORIC.
And yet, Socrates, rhetoric should be used like any other competitive art, not against everybody. The rhetorician ought not to abuse his strength any more than a pugilist or pancratiast or other master of fence; because he has powers which are more than a match either for friend or enemy, he ought not therefore to strike, stab, or slay his friends.
Suppose a man to have been trained in the palestra and to be a skillful boxer; he in the fullness of his strength goes and strikes his father or mother or one of his familiars or friends; but that is no reason why the trainers or fencing masters should be held in detestation or banished from the city; surely not.
For they taught their art for a good purpose, to be used against enemies and evil doers, in self-defense not in aggression, and others have perverted their instructions, and turned to a bad use their own strength and skill. But not on this account are the teachers bad, neither is the art in fault, or bad in itself; I should rather say that those who make a bad use of the art are to blame.
And the same argument holds good of rhetoric; for the rhetorician can speak against all men and upon any subject in short, he can persuade the multitude better than any other man of anything which he pleases, but he should not therefore seek to defraud the physician or any other artist of his reputation merely because he has the power; he ought to use rhetoric fairly, as he would also use his athletic powers.
And if after having become a rhetorician he makes a bad use of his strength and skill, his instructor surely ought not on that account to be held in detestation or banished. For he was intended by his teacher to make a good use of his instructions, but he abuses them. And therefore; he is the person who ought to be held in detestation, banished, and put to death, and not his instructor.
Socrates: You, Gorgias, like myself, have had great experience of disputations, and you must have observed, I think, that they do not always terminate in mutual edification, or in the definition by either party of the subjects which they are discussing; but disagreements are apt to arise; somebody says that another has not spoken truly or clearly; and then they get into a passion and begin to quarrel, both parties conceiving that their opponents are arguing from personal feeling only and jealousy of themselves, not from any interest in the question at issue. And sometimes they will go on abusing one another until the company at last are quite vexed at themselves for ever listening to such fellows. Why do I say this?
Why, because I cannot help feeling that you are now saying what is not quite consistent or accordant with what you were saying at first about rhetoric. And I am afraid to point this out to you, lest you should think that I have some animosity against you, and that I speak, not for the sake of discovering the truth, but from jealousy of you.
Now if you are one of my sort, I should like to cross-examine you, but if not I will let you alone.
(you will ask) “And what is my sort?”
I am one of those who are very willing to be refuted if I say anything which is not true, and very willing to refute anyone else who says what is not true, and quite as ready to be refuted as to refute-I for I hold that this is the greater gain of the two, just as the gain is greater of being cured of a very great evil than of curing another. For I imagine that there is no evil which a man can endure so great as an erroneous opinion about the matters of which we are speaking and if you claim to be one of my sort, let us have the discussion out, but if you would rather have done, no matter let us make an end of it.
Gorgias: I should say, Socrates, that I am quite the man whom you indicate; but, perhaps, we ought to consider the audience, for, before you came, I had already given a long exhibition, and if we proceed the argument may run on to a great length. And therefore; I think that we should consider whether we, may not be detaining some part of the company when they are wanting to do something else.
Chaerephon: You hear the audience cheering, Gorgias and Socrates,
which shows their desire to listen to you; and for myself, Heaven forbid that I should have any business on hand which would take me away from a discussion so interesting and so ably maintained.
Callicles: By the Gods, Chaerephon, although I have been present at many discussions, I doubt whether I was ever so much delighted before, and therefore if you go on discoursing all day I shall be the better pleased.
Socrates: I may truly say, Callicles, that I am willing, if Gorgias is.
Gorgias: After all this, Socrates, I should be disgraced if I refused, especially as I have promised to answer all comers; in accordance with the wishes of the company, them, do you begin and ask of me any question which you like.
Socrates: Let me tell you then, Gorgias, what surprises me in your words; though I dare say that you may be right, and I may have understood your meaning.
You say that you can make any man, who will learn of you, a rhetorician?
Gorgias: Yes.
Socrates: Do you mean that you will teach him to gain the ears of the multitude on any subject, and this not by instruction but by persuasion?
Gorgias: Quite so.
Socrates: You were saying, in fact, that the rhetorician will have, greater powers of persuasion than the physician even in a matter of health?
Gorgias: Yes, with the multitude that is.
Socrates: You mean to say, with the ignorant; for with those who know he cannot be supposed to have greater powers of persuasion.
Gorgias: Very true.
Socrates: But if he is to have more power of persuasion than the physician, he will have greater power than he who knows?
Gorgias: Certainly.
Socrates: Although he is not a physician, is he?
Gorgias: No.
Socrates: And he who is not a physician must, obviously, be ignorant of what the physician knows.
Gorgias: Clearly.
Socrates: Then, when the rhetorician is more persuasive than the physician, the ignorant is more persuasive with the ignorant than he who has knowledge? Is not that the inference?
Gorgias: In the case supposed; yes.
Socrates: And the same holds of the relation of rhetoric to all the other arts; the rhetorician need not know the truth about things; he has only to discover some way of persuading the ignorant that he has more knowledge than those who know?
Gorgias: Yes, Socrates, and is not this a great comfort? Not to have learned the other arts, but the art of rhetoric only, and yet to be in no way inferior to the professors of them?
Socrates: Whether the rhetorician is or not inferior on this account is a question which we will hereafter examine if the inquiry is likely to be of any service to us; but I would rather begin by asking, whether he is as ignorant of the just and unjust, base and honorable, good and evil, as he is of medicine and the other arts; I mean to say, does he really know anything of what is good and evil, base or honorable, just or unjust in them; or has he only a way with the ignorant of persuading them that he not knowing is to be esteemed to know more about these things than someone else who knows?
Or must the pupil know these things and come to you knowing them before he can acquire the art of rhetoric?
If he is ignorant, you who are the teacher of rhetoric will not teach him; it is not your business; but you will make him seem to the multitude to know them, when he does not know them; and seem to be a good man; when he is not. Or will you be unable to teach him rhetoric at all, unless he knows the truth of these things first? What is to be said about all this? By heavens! Gorgias, I wish that you would reveal to me the power of rhetoric, as you were saying that you would!
Gorgias: Well, Socrates, I suppose that if the pupil does chance not to know them, he will have to learn of me these things as well.
Socrates: Say no more, for there you are right; and so he whom you make a rhetorician must either know the nature of the just and unjust already, or he must be taught by you.
Gorgias: Certainly.
Socrates: Well, and is not he who has learned carpentering a carpenter?
Gorgias: Yes.
Socrates: And he who has learned music a musician?
Gorgias: Yes.
Socrates: And he who has learned medicine is a physician, in like manner? He who has learned anything whatever is that which his knowledge makes him.
Gorgias: Certainly.
Socrates: And in the same way, he who has learned what is just is just?
Gorgias: To be sure.
Socrates: And he who is just may be supposed to do what is just?
Gorgias: Yes.
Socrates: And must not the just man always desire to do what is just?
Gorgias: That is clearly the inference.
Socrates: Surely, then, the just man will never consent to do injustice?
Gorgias: Certainly not.
Socrates: And according to the argument the rhetorician must be a just man?
Gorgias: Yes.
Socrates: And will therefore never be willing to do injustice?
Gorgias: Clearly not.
Socrates: But do you remember saying just now that the trainer is not to be accused or banished if the pugilist makes a wrong use of his pugilistic art; and in like manner, if the rhetorician makes a bad and unjust use of rhetoric, that is not to be laid to the charge of his teacher, who is not to be banished, but the wrongdoer himself who made a bad use of his rhetoric; he is to be banished; was not that said?
Gorgias: Yes, it was.
Socrates: But now we are affirming that the aforesaid rhetorician will never have done injustice at all?
Gorgias: True.
Socrates: And at the very outset, Gorgias, it was said that rhetoric treated of discourse, not [like arithmetic] about odd and even, but about just and unjust? Was not this said?
Gorgias: Yes.
Socrates: I was thinking at the time, when I heard you saying so, that rhetoric, which is always discoursing about justice, could not possibly be an unjust thing. But when you added, shortly afterwards, that the rhetorician might make a bad use of rhetoric I noted with surprise the inconsistency into which you had fallen; and I said, that if you thought, as I did, that there was a gain in being refuted, there would be an advantage in going on with the question, but if not, I would leave off. And in the course of our investigations, as you will see yourself, the rhetorician has been acknowledged to be incapable of making an unjust use of rhetoric, or of willingness to do injustice.
BY THE DOG! Gorgias, there will be a great deal of discussion, before we get at the truth of all this!
Polus: And do even you, Socrates, seriously believe what you are now saying about rhetoric? What; because Gorgias was ashamed to deny that the rhetorician knew the just and the honorable and the good, and admitted that to anyone who came to him ignorant of them he could teach them; and then out of this admission there arose a contradiction; the thing which you dearly love; and to which not he, but you, brought the argument by your captious questions.
Do you seriously believe that there is any truth in all this? For will anyone ever acknowledge that he does not know, or cannot teach, the nature of justice? The truth is, that there is great want of manners in bringing the argument to such a pass.
Socrates: Illustrious Polus, the reason why we provide ourselves with friends and children is, that when we get old and stumble, a younger generation may be at hand to set us on our legs again in our words and in our actions; and now, if I and Gorgias are stumbling, here are you who should raise us up; and I for my part engage to retract any error into which you may think that I have fallen upon one condition:
Polus: What condition?
Socrates: That you contract, Polus, the prolixity of speech in which you indulged at first.
Polus: What?! Do you mean that I may not use as many words as I please?
Socrates: Only to think, my friend, that having come on a visit to Athens, which is the most free-spoken state in Hellas, you when you got there, and you alone, should be deprived of the power of speech; that would be hard indeed. But then consider my case; shall not I be very hardly used, if, when you are making a long oration, and refusing to answer what you are asked, I am compelled to stay and listen to you, and may not go away?
I say rather, if you have a real interest in the argument, or, to repeat my former expression, have any desire to set it on its legs, take back any statement which you please; and in your turn ask and answer, like myself and Gorgias; refute and be refuted; for I suppose that you would claim to know what Gorgias knows; would you not?
Polus: Yes.
Socrates: And you, like him, invite any one to ask you about anything which he pleases, and you will know how to answer him?
Polus: To be sure.
Socrates: And now, which will you do, ask or answer?
Polus: I will ask; and do you answer me, Socrates, the same question which Gorgias, as you suppose, is unable to answer:
What is rhetoric?
Socrates: Do you mean what sort of an art?
Polus: Yes.
Socrates: To say the truth, Polus, it is not an art at all, in my opinion.
Polus: Then what, in your opinion, is rhetoric?
Socrates: A thing which, as I was lately reading in a book of yours, you say that you have made an art.
Polus: What thing?
Socrates: I should say a sort of experience.
Polus: Does rhetoric seem to you to be an experience?
Socrates: That is my view, but you may be of another mind.
Polus: An experience in what?
Socrates: An experience in producing a sort of delight and gratification.
Polus: And if able to gratify others, must not rhetoric be a fine thing?
Socrates: What are you saying, Polus? Why do you ask me whether rhetoric is a fine thing or not, when I have not as yet told you what rhetoric is?
Polus: Did I not hear you say that rhetoric was a sort of experience?
Socrates: Will you, who are so desirous to gratify others, afford a slight gratification to me?
Polus: I will.
Socrates: Will you ask me, what sort of an art is cookery?
Polus: What sort of an art is cookery?
Socrates: Not an art at all, Polus.
Polus: What then?
Socrates: I should say an experience.
Polus: In what? I wish that you would explain to me.
Socrates: An experience in producing a sort of delight and gratification, Polus.
Polus: Then are cookery and rhetoric the same?
Socrates: No, they are only different parts of the same profession.
Polus: Of what profession?
Socrates: I am afraid that the truth may seem discourteous; and I hesitate to answer, lest Gorgias should imagine that I am making fun of his own profession. For whether or no this is that art of rhetoric which Gorgias practices I really cannot tell: from what he was just now saying, nothing appeared of what he thought of his art, but the rhetoric which I mean is a part of a not very credible whole.
Gorgias: A part of what, Socrates? Say what you mean, and never mind me.
Socrates: In my opinion then, Gorgias, the whole of which rhetoric is a part is not an art at all, but the habit of a bold and ready wit, which knows how to manage mankind.
This habit I sum up under the word “flattery” and it appears to me to have many other parts; one of which is cookery, which may seem to be an art, but, as I maintain, is only an experience or routine and not an art; another part is rhetoric, and the art of attiring and sophistry are two others. Thus there are four branches, and four different things answering to them.
And Polus may ask, if he likes, for he has not as yet been informed,
“What part of flattery is rhetoric?”
he did not see that I had not yet answered him when he proceeded to ask a further question;
“Whether I do not think rhetoric a fine thing?”
But I shall not tell him whether rhetoric is a fine thing or not, until I have first answered, “What is rhetoric?”
For that would not be right, Polus; but I shall be happy to answer, if you will ask me, “What part of flattery is rhetoric?”
Polus: I will ask and do you answer? What part of flattery is rhetoric?
Socrates: Will you understand my answer? Rhetoric, according to my view, is the ghost or counterfeit of a part of politics.
Polus: And noble or ignoble?
Socrates: Ignoble, I should say, if I am compelled to answer, for I call what is bad ignoble: though I doubt whether you understand what I was saying before.
Gorgias: Indeed, Socrates, I cannot say that I understand myself.
Socrates: I do not wonder, Gorgias; for I have not as yet explained myself, and our friend Polus, colt by name and colt by nature, is apt to run away.
Gorgias: Never mind him, but explain to me what you mean by saying that rhetoric is the counterfeit of a part of politics.
Socrates: I will try, then, to explain my notion of rhetoric, and if I am mistaken, my friend Polus shall refute me.
We may assume the existence of bodies and of souls?
Gorgias: Of course.
Socrates: You would further admit that there is a good condition of either of them?
Gorgias: Yes.
Socrates: Which condition may not be really good, but good only in appearance? I mean to say, that there are many persons who appear to be in good health, and whom only a physician or trainer will discern at first sight not to be in good health.
Gorgias: True.
Socrates: And this applies not only to the body, but also to the soul: in either there may be that which gives the appearance of health and not the reality?
Gorgias: Yes, certainly.
Socrates: And now I will endeavor to explain to you more clearly what I mean:
The soul and body being two, have two arts corresponding to them: there is the art of politics attending on the soul; and another art attending on the body, of which I know no single name, but which may be described as having two divisions, one of them gymnastic, and the other medicine.
And in politics there is a legislative part, which answers to gymnastic, as justice does to medicine; and the two parts run into one another, justice having to do with the same subject as legislation, and medicine with the same subject as gymnastic, but with a difference.
Now, seeing that there are these four arts; two attending on the body and two on the soul for their highest good; flattery knowing, or rather guessing their natures, has distributed herself into four shams or simulations of them; she puts on the likeness of someone or other of them, and pretends to be that which she simulates, and having no regard for men’s highest interests, is ever making pleasure the bait of the unwary, and deceiving them into the belief that she is of the highest value to them.
Cookery simulates the disguise of medicine, and pretends to know what food is the best for the body; and if the physician and the cook had to enter into a competition in which children were the judges, or men who had no more sense than children, as to which of them best understands the goodness or badness of food, the physician would be starved to death. A flattery I deem this to be and of an ignoble sort, Polus, for to you I am now addressing myself, because it aims at pleasure without any thought of the best. An art I do not call it, but only an experience, because it is unable to explain or to give a reason of the nature of its own applications. And I do not call any irrational thing an art; but if you dispute my words, I am prepared to argue in defense of them.
Cookery, then, I maintain to be a flattery which takes the form of medicine; and tiring, in like manner, is a flattery which takes the form of gymnastic, and is knavish, false, ignoble, illiberal, working deceitfully by the help of lines, and colors, and enamels, and garments, and making men affect a spurious beauty to the neglect of the true beauty which is given by gymnastic.
I would rather not be tedious, and therefore I will only say, after the manner of the geometricians (for I think that by this time you will be able to follow)
as tiring : gymnastic;
cookery : medicine;
or rather,
as tiring : gymnastic :: sophistry : legislation;
and as cookery : medicine :: rhetoric : justice.
And this, I say, is the natural difference between the rhetorician and the sophist, but by reason of their near connection, they are apt to be jumbled up together; neither do they know what to make of themselves, nor do other men know what to make of them.
For if the body presided over itself, and were not under the guidance of the soul, and the soul did not discern and discriminate between cookery and medicine, but the body was made the judge of them, and the rule of judgment was the bodily delight which was given by them, then the word of Anaxagoras, that word with which you, friend Polus, are so well acquainted, would prevail far and wide: “Chaos” would come again, and cookery, health, and medicine would mingle in an indiscriminate mass.
And now I have told you my notion of rhetoric, which is, in relation to the soul, what cookery is to the body.
I may have been inconsistent in making a long speech, when I would not allow you to discourse at length. But I think that I may be excused, because you did not understand me, and could make no use of my answer when I spoke shortly, and therefore I had to enter into explanation. And if I show an equal inability to make use of yours, I hope that you will speak at equal length; but if I am able to understand you, let me have the benefit of your brevity, as is only fair: And now you may do what you please with my answer.
Polus: What do you mean? Do you think that rhetoric is flattery?
Socrates: Nay, I said a part of flattery; if at your age, Polus, you cannot remember, what will you do by-and-by, when you get older?
Polus: And are the good rhetoricians meanly regarded in states, under the idea that they are flatterers?
Socrates: Is that a question or the beginning of a speech?
Polus: I am asking a question.
Socrates: Then my answer is, that they are not regarded at all.
Polus: How not regarded? Have they not very great power in states?
Socrates: Not if you mean to say that power is a good to the possessor.
Polus: And that is what I do mean to say.
Socrates: Then, if so, I think that they have the least power of all the citizens.
Polus: What! Are they not like tyrants? They kill and despoil and exile anyone whom they please.
Socrates: BY THE DOG! Polus, I cannot make out at each deliverance of yours, whether you are giving an opinion of your own, or asking a question of me.
Polus: I am asking a question of you.
Socrates: Yes, my friend, but you ask two questions at once.
Polus: How two questions?
Socrates: Why, did you not say just now that the rhetoricians are like tyrants, and that they kill and despoil or exile anyone whom they please?
Polus: I did.
Socrates: Well then, I say to you that here are two questions in one, and I will answer both of them.
And I tell you, Polus, that rhetoricians and tyrants have the least possible power in states, as I was just now saying; for they do literally nothing which they will, but only what they think best.
Polus: And is not that a great power?
Socrates: Polus has already said the reverse.
Polus: Said the reverse?! Nay, that is what I assert.
Socrates: No, by the great, what do you call him? Not you, for you say that power is a good to him who has the power.
Polus: I do.
Socrates: And would you maintain that if a fool does what he thinks best, this is a good, and would you call this great power?
Polus: I should not.
Socrates: Then you must prove that the rhetorician is not a fool, and that rhetoric is an art and not a flattery; and so you will have refuted me; but if you leave me unrefuted, why, the rhetoricians who do what they think best in states, and the tyrants, will have nothing upon which to congratulate themselves, if as you say, power be indeed a good, admitting at the same time that what is done without sense is an evil.
Polus: Yes; I admit that.
Socrates: How then can the rhetoricians or the tyrants have great power in states, unless Polus can refute Socrates, and prove to him that they do as they will?
Polus: This fellow!
Socrates: I say that they do not do as they will; now refute me!
Polus: Why, have you not already said that they do as they think best?
Socrates: And I say so still.
Polus: Then surely they do as they will.
Socrates: I deny it.
Polus: But they do what they think best?
Socrates: Aye.
Polus: That, Socrates, is monstrous and absurd.
Socrates: Good words, good Polus, as I may say in your own peculiar style; but if you have any questions to ask of me, either prove that I am in error or give the answer yourself.
Polus: Very well, I am willing to answer that I may know what you mean.
Socrates: Do men appear to you to will that which they do, or to will that further end for the sake of which they do a thing? When they take medicine, for example, at the bidding of a physician, do they will the drinking of the medicine which is painful, or the health for the sake of which they drink?
Polus: Clearly, the health.
Socrates: And when men go on a voyage or engage in business, they do not will that which they are doing at the time; for who would desire to take the risk of a voyage or the trouble of business? But they will, to have the wealth for the sake of which they go on a voyage.
Polus: Certainly.
Socrates: And is not this universally true? If a man does something for the sake of something else, he wills not that which he does, but that for the sake of which he does it.
Polus: Yes.
Socrates: And are not all things either good or evil, or intermediate and indifferent?
Polus: To be sure, Socrates.
Socrates: Wisdom and health and wealth and the like you would call goods, and their opposites evils?
Polus: I should.
Socrates: And the things which are neither good nor evil, and which partake sometimes of the nature of good and at other times of evil, or of neither, are such as sitting, walking, running, sailing; or, again, wood, stones, and the like; these are the things which you call neither good nor evil?
Polus: Exactly so.
Socrates: Are these indifferent things done for the sake of the good, or the good for the sake of the indifferent?
Polus: Clearly, the indifferent for the sake of the good.
Socrates: When we walk, we walk for the sake of the good, and under the idea that it is better to walk, and when we stand we stand equally for the sake of the good?
Polus: Yes.
Socrates: And when we kill a man, we kill him or exile him or despoil him of his goods, because, as we think, it will conduce to our good?
Polus: Certainly.
Socrates: Men who do any of these things do them for the sake of the good?
Polus: Yes.
Socrates: And did we not admit that in doing something for the sake of something else, we do not will those things which we do, but that other thing for the sake of which we do them?
Polus: Most true.
Socrates: Then we do not will simply to kill a man or to exile him or to despoil him of his goods, but we will to do that which conduces to our good, and if the act is not conducive to our good we do not will it; for we will, as you say, that which is our good, but that which is neither good nor evil, or simply evil, we do not will.
Why are you silent, Polus!? Am I not right!?
Polus: You are right.
Socrates: Hence we may infer, that if anyone, whether he be a tyrant or a rhetorician, kills another or exiles another or deprives him of his property, under the idea that the act is for his own interests when really not for his own interests, he may be said to do what seems best to him?
Polus: Yes.
Socrates: But does he do what he wills if he does what is evil? Why do you not answer?
Polus: Well, I suppose not.
Socrates: Then if great power is a good as you allow, will such a one have great power in a state?
Polus: He will not.
Socrates: Then I was right in saying that a man may do what seems good to him in a state, and not have great power, and not do what he wills?
Polus: As though you, Socrates, would not like to have the power of doing what seemed good to you in the state, rather than not; you would not be jealous when you saw anyone killing or despoiling or imprisoning whom he pleased… Oh, no!
Socrates: Justly or unjustly, do you mean?
Polus: In either case is he not equally to be envied?
Socrates: Forbear, Polus!
Polus: Why “forbear!?”
Socrates: Because you ought not to envy wretches who are not to be envied, but only to pity them.
Polus: And are those of whom spoke wretches?
Socrates: Yes, certainly they are.
Polus: And so you think that he who slays anyone whom he pleases, and justly slays him, is pitiable and wretched?
Socrates: No, I do not say that of him; but neither do I think that he is to be envied.
Polus: Were you not saying just now that he is wretched?
Socrates: Yes, my friend, if he killed another unjustly, in which case he is also to be pitied; and he is not to be envied if he killed him justly.
Polus: At any rate you will allow that he who is unjustly put to death is wretched, and to be pitied?
Socrates: Not so much, Polus, as he who kills him, and not so much as he who is justly killed.
Polus: How can that be, Socrates?
Socrates: That may very well be, in as much as doing injustice is the greatest of evils.
Polus: But is it the greatest? Is not suffering injustice a greater evil?
Socrates: Certainly not.
Polus: Then would you rather suffer than do injustice?
Socrates: I should not like either, but if I must choose between them, I would rather suffer than do.
Polus: Then you would not wish to be a tyrant?
Socrates: Not if you mean by tyranny what I mean.
Polus: I mean, as I said before, the power of doing whatever seems good to you in a state, killing, banishing, doing in all things as you like.
Socrates: Well then, illustrious friend, when I have said my say, do you reply to me.
Suppose that I go into a crowded Agora, and take a dagger under my arm.
“Polus!” I say to you,
“I have just acquired rare power, and become a tyrant; for if I think that any of these men whom you see ought to be put to death, the man whom I have a mind to kill is as good as dead; and if I am disposed to break his head or tear his garment, he will have his head broken or his garment torn in an instant. Such is my great power in this city.”
And if you do not believe me, and I show you the dagger, you would probably reply;
“Socrates, in that sort of way anyone may have great power; he may burn any house which he pleases, and the docks and triremes of the Athenians, and all their other vessels, whether public or private. But can you believe that this mere doing as you think best is great power?”
Polus: Certainly not such doing as this.
Socrates: But can you tell me why you disapprove of such a power?
Polus: I can.
Socrates: Why then?
Polus: Why, because he who did as you say would be certain to be punished.
Socrates: And punishment is an evil?
Polus: Certainly.
Socrates: And you would admit once more, my good sir, that great power is a benefit to a man if his actions turn out to his advantage, and that this is the meaning of great power; and if not, then his power is an evil and is no power.
But let us look at the matter in another way; do we not acknowledge that the things of which we were speaking, the infliction of death, and exile, and the deprivation of property are sometimes a good and sometimes not a good?
Polus: Certainly.
Socrates: About that you and I may be supposed to agree?
Polus: Yes.
Socrates: Tell me then, when do you say that they are good and evil; what principle do you lay down?
Polus: I would rather, Socrates, that you should answer as well as ask that question.
Socrates: Well, Polus, since you would rather have the answer from me, I say that they are good when they are just, and evil when they are unjust.
Polus: You are hard of refutation, Socrates, but might not a child refute that statement?
Socrates: Then I shall be very grateful to the child, and equally grateful to you if you will refute me and deliver me from my foolishness. And I hope that refute me you will, and not weary of doing good to a friend.
Polus: Yes, Socrates, and I need not go far or appeal to antiquity; events which happened only a few days ago are enough to refute you, and to prove that many men who do wrong are happy.
Socrates: What events?
Polus: You see, I presume, that Archelaus the son of Perdiccas is now the ruler of Macedonia?
Socrates: At any rate I hear that he is.
Polus: And do you think that he is happy or miserable?
Socrates: I cannot say, Polus, for I have never had any acquaintance with him.
Polus: And cannot you tell at once, and without having an acquaintance with him, whether a man is happy?
Socrates: Most certainly not.
Polus: Then clearly, Socrates, you would say that you did not even know whether the great king was a happy man?
Socrates: And I should speak the truth; for I do not know how he stands in the matter of education and justice.
Polus: What! And does all happiness consist in this?
Socrates: Yes, indeed, Polus, that is my doctrine; the men and women who are gentle and good are also happy, as I maintain, and the unjust and evil are miserable.
Polus: Then, according to your doctrine, the said Archelaus is miserable?
Socrates: Yes, my friend, if he is wicked.
Polus: That he is wicked I cannot deny; for he had no title at all to the throne which he now occupies, he being only the son of a woman who was the slave of Alcetas the brother of Perdiccas; he himself therefore in strict right was the slave of Alcetas; and if he had meant to do rightly he would have remained his slave, and then, according to your doctrine, he would have been happy.
But now he is unspeakably miserable, for he has been guilty of the greatest crimes: in the first place he invited his uncle and master, Alcetas, to come to him, under the pretense that he would restore to him the throne which Perdiccas has usurped, and after entertaining him and his son Alexander, who was his own cousin, and nearly of an age with him, and making them drunk, he threw them into a wagon and carried them off by night, and slew them, and got both of them out of the way; and when he had done all this wickedness he never discovered that he was the most miserable of all men, was very far from repenting: shall I tell you how he showed his remorse?
He had a younger brother, a child of seven years old, who was the legitimate son of Perdiccas, and to him of right the kingdom belonged; Archelaus, however, had no mind to bring him up as he ought and restore the kingdom to him; that was not his notion of happiness; but not long afterwards he threw him into a well and drowned him, and declared to his mother Cleopatra that he had fallen in while running after a goose, and had been killed.
And now as he is the greatest criminal of all the Macedonians, he may be supposed to be the most miserable and not the happiest of them, and I dare say that there are many Athenians, and you would be at the head of them, who would rather be any other Macedonian than Archelaus!
Socrates: I praised you at first, Polus, for being a rhetorician rather than a reasoner. And this, as I suppose, is the sort of argument with which you fancy that a child might refute me, and by which I stand refuted when I say that the unjust man is not happy.
But, my good friend, where is the refutation!? I cannot admit a word which you have been saying!
Polus: That is because you will not; for you surely must think as I do.
Socrates: Not so, my simple friend, but because you will refute me after the manner which rhetoricians practice in courts of law.
For there the one party think that they refute the other when they bring forward a number of witnesses of good repute in proof of their allegations, and their adversary has only a single one or none at all.
But this kind of proof is of no value where truth is the aim; a man may often be sworn down by a multitude of false witnesses who have a great air of respectability.
And in this argument nearly everyone, Athenian and stranger alike, would be on your side, if you should bring witnesses in disproof of my statement; you may, if you will, summon Nicias the son of Niceratus, and let his brothers, who gave the row of tripods which stand in the precincts of Dionysus, come with him; or you may summon Aristocrates, the son of Scellius, who is the giver of that famous offering which is at Delphi; summon, if you will, the whole house of Pericles, or any other great Athenian family whom you choose; they will all agree with you: I only am left alone and cannot agree, for you do not convince me; although you produce many false witnesses against me, in the hope of depriving me of my inheritance, which is the truth.
But I consider that nothing worth speaking of will have been affected by me unless I make you the one witness of my words; nor by you, unless you make me the one witness of yours; no matter about the rest of the world.
For there are two ways of refutation, one which is yours and that of the world in general; but mine is of another sort; let us compare them, and see in what they differ.
For, indeed, we are at issue about matters which to know is honorable and not to know disgraceful; to know or not to know happiness and misery; that is the chief of them.
And what knowledge can be nobler? Or what ignorance more disgraceful than this?
And therefore I will begin by asking you whether you do not think that a man who is unjust and doing injustice can be happy, seeing that you think Archelaus unjust, and yet happy? May I assume this to be your opinion?
Polus: Certainly.
Socrates: But I say that this is an impossibility; here is one point about which we are at issue; very good. And do you mean to say also that if he meets with retribution and punishment, he will still be happy?
Polus: Certainly not; in that case he will be most miserable.
Socrates: On the other hand, if the unjust be not punished, then, according to you, he will be happy?
Polus: Yes.
Socrates: But in my opinion, Polus, the unjust or doer of unjust actions is miserable in any case; more miserable, however, if he be not punished and does not meet with retribution, and less miserable if he be punished and meets with retribution at the hands of gods and men.
Polus: You are maintaining a strange doctrine, Socrates.
Socrates: I shall try to make you agree with me, O my friend, for as a friend I regard you. Then these are the points at issue between us; are they not?
I was saying that to do is worse than to suffer injustice?
Polus: Exactly so.
Socrates: And you said the opposite?
Polus: Yes.
Socrates: I said also that the wicked are miserable, and you refuted me?
Polus: By Zeus, I did.
Socrates: In your own opinion, Polus.
Polus: Yes, and I rather suspect that I was in the right.
Socrates: You further said that the wrongdoer is happy if he be unpunished?
Polus: Certainly.
Socrates: And I affirm that he is most miserable, and that those who are punished are less miserable; are you going to refute this proposition also?
Polus: A proposition which is harder of refutation than the other, Socrates.
Socrates: Say rather, Polus, impossible; for who can refute the truth!?
Polus: What do you mean? If a man is detected in an unjust attempt to make himself a tyrant, and when detected is racked, mutilated, has his eyes burned out, and after having had all sorts of great injuries inflicted on him, and having seen his wife and children suffer the like, is at last impaled or tarred and burned alive, will he be happier than if he escape and become a tyrant, and continue all through life doing what he likes and holding the reins of government, the envy and admiration both of citizens and strangers? Is that the paradox which, as you say, cannot be refuted?
Socrates: There again, noble Polus, you are raising hobgoblins instead of refuting me; just now you were calling witnesses against me. But please to refresh my memory a little; did you say; “In an unjust attempt to make himself a tyrant?”
Polus: Yes, I did.
Socrates: Then I say that neither of them will be happier than the other; neither he who unjustly acquires a tyranny, nor he who suffers in the attempt, for of two miserable persons one cannot be the happier; but that he who escapes and becomes a tyrant is the more miserable of the two. Do you laugh, Polus!? Well, this is a new kind of refutation; when anyone says anything, instead of refuting him to laugh at him!
Polus: But do you not think, Socrates, that you have been sufficiently refuted, when you say that which no human being will allow? Ask the company!
Socrates: O Polus, I am not a public man, and only last year, when my tribe were serving as Prytanes, and it became my duty as their president to take the votes, there was a laugh at me, because I was unable to take them.
And as I failed then, you must not ask me to count the suffrage’s of the company now; but if, as I was saying, you have no better argument than numbers, let me have a turn, and do you make trial of the sort of proof which, as I think, is required; for I shall produce one witness only of the truth of my words, and he is the person with whom I am arguing; his suffrage I know how to take; but with the many I have nothing to do, and do not even address myself to them. May I ask then whether you will answer in turn and have your words put to the proof?
For I certainly think that I and you and every man do really believe, that to do is a greater evil than to suffer injustice: and not to be punished than to be punished.
Polus: And I should say neither I, nor any man: would you yourself, for example, suffer rather than do injustice?
Socrates: Yes, and you, too; I or any man would.
Polus: Quite the reverse; neither you, nor I, nor any man.
Socrates: But will you answer?
Polus: To be sure I will; for I am curious to hear what you can have to say.
Socrates: Tell me, then, and you will know, and let us suppose that I am beginning at the beginning: which of the two, Polus, in your opinion, is the worst?
To do injustice or to suffer?
Polus: I should say that suffering was worst.
Socrates: And which is the greater disgrace? Answer.
Polus: To do.
Socrates: And the greater disgrace is the greater evil?
Polus: Certainly not.
Socrates: I understand you to say, if I am not mistaken, that the honorable is not the same as the good, or the disgraceful as the evil?
Polus: Certainly not.
Socrates: Let me ask a question of you: When you speak of beautiful things, such as bodies, colors, figures, sounds, institutions, do you not call them beautiful in reference to some standard; bodies, for example, are beautiful in proportion as they are useful, or as the sight of them gives pleasure to the spectators; can you give any other account of personal beauty?
Polus: I cannot.
Socrates: And you would say of figures or colors generally that they were beautiful, either by reason of the pleasure which they give, or of their use, or both?
Polus: Yes, I should.
Socrates: And you would call sounds and music beautiful for the same reason?
Polus: I should.
Socrates: Laws and institutions also have no beauty in them except in so far as they are useful or pleasant or both?
Polus: I think not.
Socrates: And may not the same be said of the beauty of knowledge?
Polus: To be sure, Socrates; and I very much approve of your measuring beauty by the standard of pleasure and utility.
Socrates: And deformity or disgrace may be equally measured by the opposite standard of pain and evil?
Polus: Certainly.
Socrates: Then when of two beautiful things one exceeds in beauty, the measure of the excess is to be taken in one or both of these; that is to say, in pleasure or utility or both?
Polus: Very true.
Socrates: And of two deformed things, that which exceeds in deformity or disgrace, exceeds either in pain or evil; must it not be so?
Polus: Yes.
Socrates: But then again; what was the observation which you just now made, about doing and suffering wrong? Did you not say, that suffering wrong was more evil, and doing wrong more disgraceful?
Polus: I did.
Socrates: Then, if doing wrong is more disgraceful than suffering, the more disgraceful must be more painful and must exceed in pain or in evil or both: does not that also follow?
Polus: Of course.
Socrates: First, then, let us consider whether the doing of injustice exceeds the suffering in the consequent pain; Do the injurers suffer more than the injured?
Polus: No, Socrates; certainly not.
Socrates: Then they do not exceed in pain?
Polus: No.
Socrates: But if not in pain, then not in both?
Polus: Certainly not.
Socrates: Then they can only exceed in the other?
Polus: Yes.
Socrates: That is to say, in evil?
Polus: True.
Socrates: Then doing injustice will have an excess of evil, and will therefore be a greater evil than suffering injustice?
Polus: Clearly.
Socrates: But have not you and the world already agreed that to do injustice is more disgraceful than to suffer?
Polus: Yes.
Socrates: And that is now discovered to be more evil?
Polus: True.
Socrates: And would you prefer a greater evil or a greater dishonor to a less one? Answer, Polus, and fear not; for you will come to no harm if you nobly resign yourself into the healing hand of the argument as to a physician without shrinking, and either say “Yes” or “No” to me.
Polus: I should say “No.”
Socrates: Would any other man prefer a greater to a less evil?
Polus: No, not according to this way of putting the case, Socrates.
Socrates: Then I said truly, Polus that neither you, nor I, nor any man, would rather, do than suffer injustice; for to do injustice is the greater evil of the two.
Polus: That is the conclusion.
Socrates: You see, Polus, when you compare the two kinds of refutations, how unlike they are. All men, with the exception of myself, are of your way of thinking; but your single assent and witness are enough for me I have no need of any other, I take your suffrage, and am regardless of the rest.
Enough of this, and now let us proceed to the next question; which is;
Whether the greatest of evils to a guilty man is to suffer punishment, as you supposed, or whether to escape punishment is not a greater evil, as I supposed.
Consider: You would say that to suffer punishment is another name for being justly corrected when you do wrong?
Polus: I should.
Socrates: And would you not allow that all just things are honorable in so far as they are just? Please to reflect, and, tell me your opinion.
Polus: Yes, Socrates, I think that they are.
Socrates: Consider again; Where there is an agent, must there not also be a patient?
Polus: I should say so.
Socrates: And will not the patient suffer that which the agent does, and will not the suffering have the quality of the action? I mean, for example, that if a man strikes, there must be something which is stricken?
Polus: Yes.
Socrates: And if the striker strikes violently or quickly, that which is struck will be struck violently or quickly?
Polus: True.
Socrates: And the suffering to him who is stricken is of the same nature as the act of him who strikes?
Polus: Yes.
Socrates: And if a man burns, there is something which is burned?
Polus: Certainly.
Socrates: And if he burns in excess or so as to cause pain, the thing burned will be burned in the same way?
Polus: Truly.
Socrates: And if he cuts, the same argument holds; there will be something cut?
Polus: Yes.
Socrates: And if the cutting be great or deep or such as will cause pain, the cut will be of the same nature?
Polus: That is evident.
Socrates: Then you would agree generally to the universal proposition which I was just now asserting: that the affection of the patient answers to the affection of the agent?
Polus: I agree.
Socrates: Then, as this is admitted, let me ask whether being punished is suffering or acting?
Polus: Suffering, Socrates; there can be no doubt of that.
Socrates: And suffering implies an agent?
Polus: Certainly, Socrates; and he is the punisher.
Socrates: And he who punishes rightly, punishes justly?
Polus: Yes.
Socrates: And therefore he acts justly?
Polus: Justly.
Socrates: Then he who is punished and suffers retribution, suffers justly?
Polus: That is evident.
Socrates: And that which is just has been admitted to be honorable?
Polus: Certainly.
Socrates: Then the punisher does what is honorable, and the punished suffers what is honorable?
Polus: True.
Socrates: And if what is honorable is synonymous with the good; then the honorable is either pleasant or useful?
Polus: Certainly.
Socrates: Then he who is punished suffers what is good?
Polus: That is true.
Socrates: Then he is benefited?
Polus: Yes.
Socrates: Do I understand you to mean what I mean by the term “benefited?” I mean, that if he be justly punished his soul is improved.
Polus: Surely.
Socrates: Then he who is punished is delivered from the evil of his soul?
Polus: Yes.
Socrates: And is he not then delivered from the greatest evil? Look at the matter in this way; In respect of a man’s estate, do you see any greater evil than poverty?
Polus: There is no greater evil.
Socrates: Again, in a man’s bodily frame, you would say that the evil is weakness and disease and deformity?
Polus: I should.
Socrates: And do you not imagine that the soul likewise has some evil of her own?
Polus: Of course.
Socrates: And this you would call injustice and ignorance and cowardice, and the like?
Polus: Certainly.
Socrates: So then, in mind, body, and estate, which are three, you have pointed out three corresponding evils; injustice, disease & poverty?
Polus: True.
Socrates: And which of the evils is the most disgraceful? Is not the most disgraceful of them injustice, and in general the evil of the soul?
Polus: By far the most.
Socrates: And if the most disgraceful, then also the worst?
Polus: What do you mean, Socrates?
Socrates: I mean to say, that is most disgraceful has been already admitted to be most painful or hurtful, or both.
Polus: Certainly.
Socrates: And now injustice and all evil in the soul has been admitted by to be most disgraceful?
Polus: It has been admitted.
Socrates: And most disgraceful either because most painful and causing excessive pain, or most hurtful, or both?
Polus: Certainly.
Socrates: And therefore to be unjust and intemperate, and cowardly and ignorant, is more painful than to be poor and sick?
Polus: Nay, Socrates; the painfulness does not appear to me to follow from your premises.
Socrates: Then, if, as you would argue, not more painful, the evil of the soul is of all evils the most disgraceful; and the excess of disgrace must be caused by some preternatural greatness, or extraordinary hurtfulness of the evil.
Polus: Clearly.
Socrates: And that which exceeds most in hurtfulness will be the greatest of evils?
Polus: Yes.
Socrates: Then injustice and intemperance, and in general the depravity of the soul, are the greatest of evils!
Polus: That is evident.
Socrates: Now, what art is there which delivers us from poverty? Does not the art of making money?
Polus: Yes.
Socrates: And what art frees us from disease?
Does not the art of medicine?
Polus: Very true.
Socrates: And what from vice and injustice? If you are not able to answer at once, ask yourself whither we go with the sick, and to whom we take them.
Polus: To the physicians, Socrates.
Socrates: And to whom do we go with the unjust and intemperate?
Polus: To the judges, you mean.
Socrates: Who are to punish them?
Polus: Yes.
Socrates: And do not those who rightly punish others, punish them in accordance with a certain rule of justice?
Polus: Clearly.
Socrates: Then the art of moneymaking frees a man from poverty; medicine from disease; and justice from intemperance and injustice?
Polus: That is evident.
Socrates: Which, then, is the best of these three?
Polus: Will you enumerate them?
Socrates: Money-making, medicine, and justice.
Polus: Justice, Socrates, far excels the two others.
Socrates: And justice, if the best, gives the greatest pleasure or advantage or both?
Polus: Yes.
Socrates: But is being healed a pleasant thing, and are those who are being healed pleased?
Polus: I think not.
Socrates: A useful thing, then?
Polus: Yes.
Socrates: Yes, because the patient is delivered from a great evil; and this is the advantage of enduring the pain; that you get well?
Polus: Certainly.
Socrates: And would he be the happier man in his bodily condition, who is healed, or who never was out of health?
Polus: Clearly he who was never out of health.
Socrates: Yes; for happiness surely does not consist in being delivered from evils, but in never having had them.
Polus: True.
Socrates: And suppose the case of two persons who have some evil in their bodies, and that one of them is healed and delivered from evil, and another is not healed, but retains the evil; which of them is the most miserable?
Polus: Clearly he who is not healed.
Socrates: And was not punishment said by us to be a deliverance from the greatest of evils, which is vice?
Polus: True.
Socrates: And justice punishes us, and makes us more just, and is the medicine of our vice?
Polus: True.
Socrates: He, then, has the first place in the scale of happiness who has never had vice in his soul; for this has been shown to be the greatest of evils.
Polus: Clearly.
Socrates: And he has the second place, who is delivered from vice?
Polus: True.
Socrates: That is to say, he who receives admonition and rebuke and punishment?
Polus: Yes.
Socrates: Then he lives worst, who, having been unjust, has no deliverance from injustice?
Polus: Certainly.
Socrates: That is, he lives worst who commits the greatest crimes, and who, being the most unjust of men, succeeds in escaping rebuke or correction or punishment; and this, as you say, has been accomplished by Archelaus and other tyrants and rhetoricians and potentates?
Polus: True.
Socrates: May not their way of proceeding, my friend, be compared to the conduct of a person who is afflicted with the worst of diseases and yet contrives not to pay the penalty to the physician for his sins against his constitution, and will not be cured, because, like a child, he is afraid of the pain of being burned or cut; is not that a parallel case?
Polus: Yes, truly.
Socrates: He would seem as if he did not know the nature of health and bodily vigor; and if we are right, Polus, in our previous conclusions, they are in a like case who strive to evade justice, which they see to be painful, but are blind to the advantage which ensues from it, not knowing how far more miserable a companion a diseased soul is than a diseased body; a soul, I say, which is corrupt and unrighteous and unholy.
And hence they do all that they can to avoid punishment and to avoid being released from the greatest of evils; they provide themselves with money and friends, and cultivate to the utmost their powers of persuasion. But if we, Polus, are right, do you see what follows, or shall we draw out the consequences in form?
Polus: If you please.
Socrates: Is it not a fact that injustice, and the doing of injustice, is the greatest of evils?
Polus: That is quite clear.
Socrates: And further, that to suffer punishment is the way to be released from this evil?
Polus: True.
Socrates: And not to suffer, is to perpetuate the evil?
Polus: Yes.
Socrates: To do wrong, then, is second only in the scale of evils; but to do wrong and not to be punished, is first and greatest of all?
Polus: That is true.
Socrates: Well, and was not this the point in dispute, my friend? You deemed Archelaus happy, because he was a very great criminal and unpunished. I; on the other hand; maintained that he or any other who like him has done wrong and has not been punished, is, and ought to be, the most miserable of all men; and that the doer of injustice is more miserable than the sufferer; and he who escapes punishment; more miserable than he who suffers. Was not that what I said?
Polus: Yes.
Socrates: And it has been proved to be true?
Polus: Certainly.
Socrates: Well, Polus, but if this is true, where is the great use of rhetoric? If we admit what has been just now said, every man ought in every way to guard himself against doing wrong, for he will thereby suffer great evil?
Polus: True.
Socrates: And if he, or anyone about whom he cares, does wrong, he ought of his own accord to go where he will be immediately punished; he will run to the judge, as he would to the physician, in order that the disease of injustice may not be rendered chronic and become the incurable cancer of the soul; must we not allow this consequence, Polus, if our former admissions are to stand; is any other inference consistent with them?
Polus: To that, Socrates, there can be but one answer.
Socrates: Then rhetoric is of no use to us, Polus, in helping a man to excuse his own injustice, that of his parents or friends, or children or country; but may be of use to anyone who holds that instead of excusing he ought to accuse himself above all, and in the next degree his family or any of his friends who may be doing wrong; he should bring to light the iniquity and not conceal it, that so the wrongdoer may suffer and be made whole;
and he should even force himself and others not to shrink, but with closed eyes like brave men to let the physician operate with knife or searing iron, not regarding the pain, in the hope of attaining the good and the honorable; let him who has done things worthy of stripes, allow himself to be scourged; if of bonds, to be bound; if of a fine, to be fined; if of exile, to be exiled; if of death, to die;
himself being the first to accuse himself and his relations, and using rhetoric to this end, that his and their unjust actions may be made manifest, and that they themselves may be delivered from injustice, which is the greatest evil. Then, Polus, rhetoric would indeed be useful.
Do you say “Yes” or “No” to that?
Polus: To me, Socrates, what you are saying appears very strange, though probably in agreement with your premises.
Socrates: Is not this the conclusion, if the premises is not refuted?
Polus: Yes; it certainly is.
Socrates: And from the opposite point of view, if indeed it be our duty to harm another, whether an enemy or not; I accept the case of self-defense; then I have to be upon my guard;
but if my enemy injures a third person, then in every sort of way, by word as well as deed, I should try to prevent his being punished, or appearing before the judge; and if he appears, I should contrive that he should escape, and not suffer punishment.
If he has stolen a sum of money, let him keep what he has stolen and spend it on him and his, regardless of religion and justice; and if he has done things worthy of death, let him not die, but rather be immortal in his wickedness; or, if this is not possible, let him at any rate be allowed to live as long as he can. For such purposes, Polus, rhetoric may be useful, but is of small if of any use to him who is not intending to commit injustice; at least, there was no such use discovered by us in the previous discussion.
Callicles: Tell me, Chaerephon, is Socrates in earnest, or is he joking?
Chaerephon: I should say, Callicles, that he is in most profound earnest; but you may well ask him.
Callicles: By the Gods, and I will. Tell me, Socrates, are you in earnest, or only in jest? For if you are in earnest, and what you say is true, is not the whole of human life turned upside down; and are we not doing, as would appear, in everything the opposite of what we ought to be doing?
Socrates: O Callicles, if there were not some community of feelings among mankind, however varying in different persons; I mean to say, if every man’s feelings were peculiar to himself and were not shared by the rest of his species; I do not see how we could ever communicate our impressions to one another. I make this remark because I perceive that you and I have a common feeling.
For we are lovers both, and both of us have two loves apiece;
I am the lover of Alcibiades, the son of Cleinias; I and of philosophy; and you of the Athenian Demus, and of Demus the son of Pyrilampes.
Now, I observe that you, with all your cleverness, do not venture to contradict your favorite in any word or opinion of his; but as he changes you change, backwards and forwards.
When the Athenian Demus denies anything that you are saying in the assembly, you go over to his opinion; and you do the same with Demus, the fair young son of Pyrilampes. For you have not the power to resist the words and ideas of your loves; and if a person were to express surprise at the strangeness of what you say from time to time when under their influence, you would probably reply to him, if you were honest, that you cannot help saying what your loves say unless they are prevented; and that you can only be silent when they are.
Now you must understand that my words are an echo too, and therefore you need not wonder at me; but if you want to silence me, silence philosophy, who is my love, for she is always telling me what I am telling you, my friend; neither is she capricious like my other love, for the son of Cleinias says one thing today and another thing tomorrow; but philosophy is always true. She is the teacher at whose words you are now wondering, and you have heard her yourself.
Her you must refute; and either show, as I was saying, that to do injustice and to escape punishment is not the worst of all evils; or, if you leave her word unrefuted, by the dog the god of Egypt, I declare, O Callicles, that Callicles will never be at one with himself, but that his whole life, will be at discord.
And yet, my friend, I would rather that my lyre should be inharmonious, and that there should be no music in the chorus which I provided; aye, or that the whole world should be at odds with me, and oppose me, rather than that I myself should be at odds with myself, and contradict myself.
Callicles: O Socrates, you are a regular declaimer, and seem to be running riot in the argument. And now you are declaiming in this way because Polus has fallen into the same error himself of which he accused Gorgias;
For he said that when Gorgias was asked by you, whether, if someone came to him who wanted to learn rhetoric, and did not know justice, he would teach him justice, Gorgias in his modesty replied that he would, because he thought that mankind in general would be displeased if he answered “No” and then in consequence of this admission, Gorgias was compelled to contradict himself, that being just the sort of thing in which you delight.
Whereupon Polus laughed at you deservedly, as I think; but now he has himself fallen into the same trap. I cannot say very much for his wit when he conceded to you that to do is more dishonorable than to suffer injustice, for this was the admission which led to his being entangled by you; and because he was too modest to say what he thought, he had his mouth stopped.
For the truth is, Socrates, that you, who pretend to be engaged in the pursuit of truth, are appealing now to the popular and vulgar notions of right, which are not natural, but only conventional.
Convention and nature are generally at variance with one another: and hence, if a person is too modest to say what he thinks, he is compelled to contradict himself; and you, in your ingenuity perceiving the advantage to be thereby gained, slyly ask of him who is arguing conventionally a question which is to be determined by the rule of nature; and if he is talking of the rule of nature, you slip away to custom: as, for instance, you did in this very discussion about doing and suffering injustice.
When Polus was speaking of the conventionally dishonorable, you assailed him from the point of view of nature; for by the rule of nature, to suffer injustice is the greater disgrace because the greater evil; but conventionally, to do evil is the more disgraceful. For the suffering of injustice is not the part of a man, but of a slave, who indeed had better die than live; since when he is wronged and trampled upon, he is unable to help himself, or any other for whom he cares.
The reason, as I conceive, is that the makers of laws are the majority who are weak; and they, make laws and distribute praises and censures with a view to themselves and to their own interests; and they: terrify the stronger sort of men, and those who are able to get the better of them in order that they may not get the better of them; and they say, that dishonesty is shameful and unjust; meaning, by the word injustice, the desire of a man to have more than his neighbors; for knowing their own inferiority, I suspect that they are too glad of equality.
And therefore the endeavor to have more than the many, is conventionally said to be shameful and unjust, and is called injustice, whereas nature herself intimates that it is just for the better to have more than the worse, the more powerful than the weaker; and in many ways she shows, among men as well as among animals, and indeed among whole cities and races, that justice consists in the superior ruling over and having more than the inferior. For on what principle of justice did Xerxes invade Hellas, or his father the Scythians? Not to speak of numberless other examples.
Nay, but these are the men who act according to nature; yes, by Heaven, and according to the law of nature: not, perhaps, according to that artificial law, which we invent and impose upon our fellows, of whom we take the best and strongest from their youth upwards, and tame them like young lions; charming them with the sound of the voice, and saying to them, that with equality they must be content, and that the equal is the honorable and the just.
But if there were a man who had sufficient force, he would shake off and break through, and escape from all this; he would trample under foot all our formulas and spells and charms, and all our laws which are against nature: the slave would rise in rebellion and be lord over us, and the light of natural justice would shine forth.
And this I take to be the sentiment of Pindar, when he says in his poem, that Law is the king of all, of mortals as well as of immortals; this, as he says, Makes might to be right, doing violence with highest hand; as I infer from the deeds of Heracles, for without buying them — I do not remember the exact words, but the meaning is, that without buying them, and without their being given to him, he carried off the oxen of Geryon, according to the law of natural right, and that the oxen and other possessions of the weaker and inferior properly belong to the stronger and superior.
And this is true, as you may ascertain, if you will leave philosophy and go on to higher things: for philosophy, Socrates, if pursued in moderation and at the proper age, is an elegant accomplishment, but too much philosophy is the ruin of human life.
Even if a man has good parts, still, if he carries philosophy into later life, he is necessarily ignorant of all those things which a gentleman and a person of honor ought to know; he is inexperienced in the laws of the State, and in the language which ought to be used in the dealings of man with man, whether private or public, and utterly ignorant of the pleasures and desires of mankind and of human character in general.
And people of this sort, when they betake themselves to politics or business, are as ridiculous as I imagine the politicians to be, when they make their appearance in the arena of philosophy.
For, as Euripides says;
“Every man shines in that and pursues that, and devotes the greatest portion of the day to that in which he most excels, but anything in which he is inferior, he avoids and depreciates, and praises the opposite partiality to himself, and because he from that he will thus praise himself” The true principle is to unite them.
Philosophy, as a part of education, is an excellent thing, and there is no disgrace to a man while he is young in pursuing such a study; but when he is more advanced in years, the thing becomes ridiculous, and I feel towards philosophers as I do towards those who lisp and imitate children.
For I love to see a little child, who is not of an age to speak plainly, lisping at his play; there is an appearance of grace and freedom in his utterance, which is natural to his childish years.
But when I hear some small creature carefully articulating its words, I am offended; the sound is disagreeable, and has to my ears the twang of slavery.
So when I hear a man lisping, or see him playing like a child, his behavior appears to me ridiculous and unmanly and worthy of stripes.
And I have the same feeling about students of philosophy; when I see a youth thus engaged; the study appears to me to be in character, and becoming a man of liberal education, and him who neglects philosophy I regard as an inferior man, who will never aspire to anything great or noble.
But if I see him continuing the study in later life, and not leaving off, I should like to beat him, Socrates; for, as I was saying, such a one, even though he have good natural parts, becomes effeminate.
He flies from the busy center and the marketplace, in which, as the poet says, men become distinguished; he creeps into a corner for the rest of his life, and talks in a whisper with three or four admiring you, but never speaks out like a freeman in a satisfactory manner.
Now I, Socrates, am very well inclined towards you, and my feeling may be compared with that of Zethus towards Amphion, in the play of Euripides, whom I was mentioning just now: for I am disposed to say to you much what Zethus said to his brother, that you, Socrates, are careless about the things of which you ought to be careful; and that you who have a soul so noble, are remarkable for a puerile exterior; neither in a court of justice could you state a case, or give any reason or proof, offer valiant counsel on another’s behalf.
And you must not be offended, my dear Socrates, for I am speaking out of goodwill towards you, if I ask whether you are not ashamed of being thus defenseless; which I affirm to be the condition not of you only but of all those who will carry the study of philosophy too far. For suppose that someone were to take you, or anyone of your sort, off to prison, declaring that you had done wrong when you had done no wrong, you must allow that you would not know what to do; there you would stand giddy and gaping, and not having a word to say; and when you went up before the court; even if the accuser were a poor creature and not good for much, you would die if he were disposed to claim the penalty of death.
And yet, Socrates, what is the value of an art which converts a man of sense into a fool, who is helpless, and has no power to save either himself or others, when he is in the greatest danger and is going to be despoiled by his enemies of all his goods, and has to live, simply deprived of his rights of citizenship? He being a man who, if I may use the expression, may be boxed on the ears with impunity. Then, my good friend, take my advice, and refute no more; learn the philosophy of business, and acquire the reputation of wisdom. But leave to others these niceties, whether they are to be described as follies or absurdities; for they will only give you poverty for the inmate of your dwelling. Cease, then, emulating these paltry splitters of words, and emulate only the man of substance and honor, who is well to do.
Socrates: If my soul, Callicles, were made of gold, should I not rejoice to discover one of those stones with which they test gold, and the very best possible one to which I might bring my soul; and if the stone and I agreed in approving of her training, then I should know that I was in a satisfactory state, and that no other test was needed by me.
Callicles: What is your meaning, Socrates?
Socrates: I will tell you; I think that I have found in you the desired touchstone.
Callicles: Why?
Socrates: Because I am sure that if you agree with me in any of the opinions which my soul forms, I have at last found the truth indeed.
For I consider that if a man is to make a complete trial of the good or evil of the soul, he ought to have three qualities; knowledge, goodwill, & outspokenness, which are all possessed by you.
Many whom I meet are unable to make trial of me, because they are not wise as you are; others are wise, but they will not tell me the truth, because they have not the same interest in me which you have; and these two strangers, Gorgias and Polus, are undoubtedly wise men and my very good friends, but they are not outspoken enough, and they are too modest.
Why, their modesty is so great that they are driven to contradict themselves, first one and then the other of them, in the face of a large company, on matters of the highest moment. But you have all the qualities in which these others are deficient, having received an excellent education; to this many Athenians can testify.
Shall I tell you why I think so? I know that you, Callicles, and Tisander of Aphidnae, and Andron the son of Androtion, and Nausicydes of the deme of Cholarges, studied together: there were four of you, and I once heard you advising with one another as to the extent to which the pursuit of philosophy should be carried, and, as I know, you came to the conclusion that the study should not be pushed too much into detail.
You were cautioning one another not to be overwise; you were afraid that too much wisdom might unconsciously to yourselves be the ruin of you.
And now when I hear you giving the same advice to me which you then gave to your most intimate friends, I have a sufficient evidence of your real goodwill to me. And of the frankness of your nature and freedom from modesty I am assured by yourself, and the assurance is confirmed by your last speech. Well then, the inference in the present case clearly is, that if you agree with me in an argument about any point, that point will have been sufficiently tested by us, and will not require to be submitted to any further test. For you could not have agreed with me, either from lack of knowledge or from superfluity of modesty, nor yet from a desire to deceive me, for you are my friend, as you tell me yourself.
And therefore; when you and I are agreed, the result will be the attainment of perfect truth. Now there is no nobler inquiry, Callicles, than that which you censure me for making;
What ought the character of a man be, and what his pursuits, and how far is he to go, both in mature years and in youth?
For be assured that if I err in my own conduct I do not err intentionally, but from ignorance. Do not then desist from advising me, now that you have begun, until I have learned clearly what this is which I am to practice, and how I may acquire it. And if you find me assenting to your words, and hereafter not doing that to which I assented, call me “dolt,” and deem me unworthy of receiving further instruction.
Once more, then, tell me what you and Pindar mean by natural justice: Do you not mean that the superior should take the property of the inferior by force; that the better should rule the worse, the noble have more than the mean? Am I not right in my recollection?
Callicles: Yes; that is what I was saying, and so I still aver.
Socrates: And do you mean by the better the same as the superior? For I could not make out what you were saying at the time; whether you meant by the superior the stronger, and that the weaker must obey the stronger, as you seemed to imply when you said that great cities attack small ones in accordance with natural right, because they are superior and stronger, as though the superior and stronger and better were the same; or whether the better may be also the inferior and weaker, and the superior the worse, or whether better is to be defined in the same way as superior: this is the point which I want to have cleared up.
Are the superior and better and stronger the same or different?
Callicles: I say unequivocally that they are the same.
Socrates: Then the many are by nature to the one, against whom, as you were saying, they make the laws?
Callicles: Certainly.
Socrates: Then the laws of the many are the laws of the superior?
Callicles: Very true.
Socrates: Then they are the laws of the better; for the superior class are far better, as you were saying?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: And since they are superior, the laws which are made by them are by nature good?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: And are not the many of opinion, as you were lately saying, that justice is equality, and that to do is more disgraceful than to suffer injustice? Is that so or not? Answer, Callicles, and let no modesty be found to come in the way; do the many think, or do they not think thus? I must beg of you to answer, in order that if you agree with me I may fortify myself by the assent of so competent an authority.
Callicles: Yes; the opinion of the many is what you say.
Socrates: Then not only custom but nature also affirms that to do is more disgraceful than to suffer injustice, and that justice is equality; so that you seem to have been wrong in your former assertion, when accusing me you said that nature and custom are opposed, and that I, knowing this, was dishonestly playing between them, appealing to custom when the argument is about nature, and to nature when the argument is about custom?
Callicles: This man will never cease talking nonsense. At your age, Socrates, are you not ashamed to be catching at words and chuckling over some verbal slip? Do you not see? Have I not told you already, that by superior I mean better? Do you imagine me to say, that if a rabble of slaves and nondescripts, who are of no use except perhaps for their physical strength, get together their ipsissima verba are laws?
Socrates: Ho! My philosopher, is that your line!?
Callicles: Certainly.
Socrates: I was thinking, Callicles, that something of the kind must have been in your mind, and that is why I repeated the question; What is the superior? I wanted to know clearly what you meant; for you surely do not think that two men are better than one, or that your slaves are better than you because they are stronger?
Then please to begin again, and tell me who the better are, if they are not the stronger; and I will ask you, great Sir, to be a little milder in your instructions, or I shall have to run away from you.
Callicles: You are ironical.
Socrates: No, by the hero Zethus, Callicles, by whose aid you were just now saying many ironical things against me, I am not; tell me, then, whom you mean, by the better!?
Callicles: I mean the more excellent.
Socrates: Do you not see that you are yourself using words which have no meaning and that you are explaining nothing!? Will you tell me whether you mean by the better and superior the wiser, or if not, whom!?
Callicles: Most assuredly, I do mean the wiser.
Socrates: Then according to you, one wise man may often be superior to ten thousand fools, and he ought to rule them, and they ought to be his subjects, and he ought to have more than they should. This is what I believe that you mean; and you must not suppose that I am word catching; if you allow that the one is superior to the ten thousand?
Callicles: Yes; that is what I mean, and that is what I conceive to be natural justice; that the better and wiser should rule and have more than the inferior.
Socrates: Stop there, and let me ask you what you would say in this case; Let us suppose that we are all together as we are now; there are several of us, and we have a large common store of meats and drinks, and there are all sorts of persons in our company having various degrees of strength and weakness, and one of us, being physician, is wiser in the matter of food than all the rest, and he is probably stronger than some and not so strong as others of us; will he not, being wiser, be also better than we are, and our superior in this matter of food?
Callicles: Certainly.
Socrates: Either, then, he will have a larger share of the meats and drinks, because he is better, or he will have the distribution of all of them by reason of his authority, but he will not expend or make use of a larger share of them on his own person, or if he does, he will be punished; his share will exceed that of some, and be less than that of others, and if he be the weakest of all, he being the best of all will have the smallest share of all; Callicles; am I not right, my friend?
Callicles: You talk about meats and drinks and physicians and other nonsense; I am not speaking of them.
Socrates: Well, but do you admit that the wiser is the better? Answer “Yes” or “No.”
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: And ought not the better to have a larger share?
Callicles: Not of meats and drinks.
Socrates: I understand; Then, perhaps, of coats; the most skilled weaver ought to have the largest coat, and the greatest number of them, and go about clothed in the best and finest of them?
Callicles: Fudge about coats!
Socrates: Then the most skilled and best in making shoes ought to have the advantage in shoes; the shoemaker, clearly, should walk about in the largest shoes, and have the greatest number of them?
Callicles: Fudge about shoes! What nonsense are you talking?
Socrates: Or, if this is not your meaning, perhaps you would say that the wise and good and true husbandman should actually have a larger share of seeds, and have as much seed as possible for his own land?
Callicles: How you go on, always talking in the same way, Socrates!
Socrates: Yes, Callicles, and also about the same things.
Callicles: Yes, by the Gods, you are literally always talking of cobblers and fullers and cooks and doctors, as if this had to do with our argument.
Socrates: But why will you not tell me in what a man must be superior and wiser in order to claim a larger share; will you neither accept a suggestion, nor offer one?
Callicles: I have already told you. In the first place, I mean by superiors not cobblers or cooks, but wise politicians who understand the administration of a state, and who are not only wise, but also valiant and able to carry out their designs, and not the men to faint from want of soul.
Socrates: See now, most excellent Callicles, how different my charge against you is from that which you bring against me, for you reproach me with always saying the same; but I reproach you with never saying the same about the same things, for at one time you were defining the better and the superior to be the stronger, then again as the wiser, and now you bring forward a new notion; the superior and the better are now declared by you to be the more courageous;
I wish, my good friend, that you would tell me once for all, whom you affirm to be the better and superior, and in what way are they better!?
Callicles: I have already told you that I mean those who are wise and courageous in the administration of a state; they ought to be the rulers of their states, and justice consists in their having more than their subjects.
Socrates: But whether rulers or subjects will they or will they not have more than themselves, my friend?
Callicles: What do you mean?
Socrates: I mean that every man is his own ruler; but perhaps you think that there is no necessity for him to rule himself; he is only required to rule others?
Callicles: What do you mean by his “ruling over himself?”
Socrates: A simple thing enough; just what is commonly said, that a man should be temperate and master of himself, and ruler of his own pleasures and passions.
Callicles: What innocence! You mean those fools; the temperate?
Socrates: Certainly; anyone may know that to be my meaning.
Callicles: Quite so, Socrates; and they are really fools, for how can a man be happy who is the servant of anything? On the contrary, I plainly assert, that he who would truly live ought to allow his desires to wax to the uttermost, and not to chastise them; but when they have grown to their greatest he should have courage and intelligence to minister to them and to satisfy all his longings. And this I affirm to be natural justice and nobility.
To this however the many cannot attain; and they blame the strong man because they are ashamed of their own weakness, which they desire to conceal, and hence they say that intemperance is base. As I have remarked already, they enslave the nobler natures, and being unable to satisfy their pleasures, they praise temperance and justice out of their own cowardice. For if a man had been originally the son of a king, or had a nature capable of acquiring an empire or a tyranny or sovereignty, what could be more truly base or evil than temperance–to a man like him, I say, who might freely be enjoying every good, and has no one to stand in his way, and yet has admitted custom and reason and the opinion of other men to be lords over him?
Must not he be in a miserable plight whom the reputation of justice and temperance hinders from giving more to his friends than to his enemies, even though he be a ruler in his city? Nay, Socrates, for you profess to be a votary of the truth, and the truth is this;
That luxury and intemperance and license, if they be provided with means, are virtue and happiness; all the rest is a mere bauble, agreements contrary to nature, foolish talk of men, nothing worth.
Socrates: There is a noble freedom, Callicles, in your way of approaching the argument; for what you say is what the rest of the world think, but do not like to say. And I must beg of you to persevere, that the true rule of human life may become manifest. Tell me, then; you say, do you not, that in the rightly developed man the passions ought not to be controlled, but that we should let them grow to the utmost and somehow or other satisfy them, and that this is virtue?
Callicles: Yes; I do.
Socrates: Then those who want nothing are not truly said to be happy?
Callicles: No indeed, for then stones and dead men would be the happiest of all.
Socrates: But surely life according to your view is an awful thing; and indeed I think that Euripides may have been right in saying;
“Who knows if life be not death and death life; and that we are very likely dead”
I have heard a philosopher say that at this moment we are actually dead, and that the body (soma) is our tomb (sema), and that the part of the soul which is the seat of the desires is liable to be tossed about by words and blown up and down; and some ingenious person, probably a Sicilian or an Italian, playing with the word, invented a tale in which he called the soul;
because of its believing and make believe nature a vessel, and the ignorant he called the uninitiated or leaky, and the place in the souls of the uninitiated in which the desires are seated, being the intemperate and incontinent part, he compared to a vessel full of holes, because it can never be satisfied. He is not of your way of thinking, Callicles, for he declares, that of all the souls in Hades, meaning the invisible world these uninitiated or leaky persons are the most miserable, and that they pour water into a vessel which is full of holes out of a colander which is similarly perforated.
The colander, as my informer assures me, is the soul, and the soul which he compares to a colander is the soul of the ignorant, which is likewise full of holes, and therefore incontinent, owing to a bad memory and want of faith. These notions are strange enough, but they show the principle which, if I can, I would fain prove to you; that you should change your mind, and, instead of the intemperate and insatiate life, choose that which is orderly and sufficient and has a due provision for daily needs.
Do I make any impression on you, and are you coming over to the opinion that the orderly are happier than the intemperate? Or do I fail to persuade you, and, however many tales I rehearse to you, do you continue of the same opinion still?
Callicles: The latter, Socrates, is more like the truth.
Socrates: Well, I will tell you another image, which comes out of the same school;
Let me request you to consider how far you would accept this as an account of the two lives of the temperate and intemperate in a figure;
There are two men, both of whom have a number of casks; the one man has his casks sound and full, one of wine, another of honey, and a third of milk, besides others filled with other liquids, and the streams which fill them are few and scanty, and he can only obtain them with a great deal of toil and difficulty; but when his casks are once filled he has need to feed them anymore, and has no further trouble with them or care about them. The other, in like manner, can procure streams, though not without difficulty; but his vessels are leaky and unsound, and night and day he is compelled to be filling them, and if he pauses for a moment, he is in an agony of pain.
Such are their respective lives; And now would you say that the life of the intemperate is happier than that of the temperate? Do I not convince you that the opposite is the truth?
Callicles: You do not convince me, Socrates, for the one who has filled himself has no longer any pleasure left; and this, as I was just now saying, is the life of a stone: he has neither joy nor sorrow after he is once filled; but the pleasure depends on the superabundance of the influx.
Socrates: But the more you pour in, the greater the waste; and the holes must be large for the liquid to escape.
Callicles: Certainly.
Socrates: The life which you are now depicting is not that of a dead man, or of a stone, but of a cormorant; you mean that he is to be hungering and eating?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: And he is to be thirsting and drinking?
Callicles: Yes, that is what I mean; he is to have all his desires about him, and to be able to live happily in the gratification of them.
Socrates: Capital, excellent; go on as you have begun, and have no shame; I, too, must disencumber myself of shame: and first, will you tell me whether you include itching and scratching, provided you have enough of them and pass your life in scratching, in your notion of happiness?
Callicles: What a strange being you are, Socrates! A regular mob-orator!
Socrates: That was the reason, Callicles, why I scared Polus and Gorgias, until they were too modest to say what they thought; but you will not be too modest and will not be scared, for you are a brave man. And now, answer my question.
Callicles: I answer, that even the scratcher would live pleasantly.
Socrates: And if pleasantly, then also happily?
Callicles: To be sure.
Socrates: But what if the itching is not confined to the head? Shall I pursue the question? And here, Callicles, I would have you consider how you would reply if consequences are pressed upon you, especially if in the last resort you are asked, whether the life of a catamite is not terrible, foul, miserable? Or would you venture to say, that they too are happy, if they only get enough of what they want?
Callicles: Are you not ashamed, Socrates, of introducing such topics into the argument?
Socrates: Well, my fine friend, but am I the introducer of these topics, or he who says without any qualification that all who feel pleasure in whatever manner are happy, and who admits of no distinction between good and bad pleasures? And I would still ask, whether you say that pleasure and good are the same, or whether there is some pleasure which is not a good?
Callicles: Well, then, for the sake of consistency, I will say that they are the same.
Socrates: You are breaking the original agreement, Callicles, and will no longer be a satisfactory companion in the search after truth, if you say what is contrary to your real opinion.
Callicles: Why, that is what you are doing too, Socrates.
Socrates: Then we are both doing wrong. Still, my dear friend, I would ask you to consider whether pleasure, from whatever source derived, is the good; for, if this be true, then the disagreeable consequences which have been darkly intimated must follow, and many others.
Callicles: That, Socrates, is only your opinion.
Socrates: And do you, Callicles, seriously maintain what you are saying?
Callicles: Indeed I do.
Socrates: Then, as you are in earnest, shall we proceed with the argument?
Callicles: By all means.
Socrates: Well, if you are willing to proceed, determine this question for me; There is something, I presume, which you would call knowledge?
Callicles: There is.
Socrates: And were you not saying just now, that some courage implied knowledge?
Callicles: I was.
Socrates: And you were speaking of courage and knowledge as two things different from one another?
Callicles: Certainly I was.
Socrates: And would you say that pleasure and knowledge are the same, or not the same?
Callicles: Not the same, O man of wisdom.
Socrates: And would you say that courage differed from pleasure?
Callicles: Certainly.
Socrates: Well, then, let us remember that Callicles, the Acharnian, says that pleasure and good are the same; but that knowledge and courage are not the same, either with one another, or with the good.
Callicles: And what does our friend Socrates, of Foxton, say; does he assent to this, or not?
Socrates: He does not assent; neither will Callicles, when he sees himself truly. You will admit, I suppose, that good and evil fortune are opposed to each other?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: And if they are opposed to each other, then, like health and disease, they exclude one another; a man cannot have them both, or be without them both, at the same time?
Callicles: What do you mean?
Socrates: Take the case of any bodily affection; a man may have the complaint in his eyes which is called ophthalmia?
Callicles: To be sure.
Socrates: But he surely cannot have the same eyes well and sound at the same time?
Callicles: Certainly not.
Socrates: And when he has got rid of his ophthalmia, has he got rid of the health of his eyes too? Is the final result, that he gets rid of them both together?
Callicles: Certainly not.
Socrates: That would surely be marvelous and absurd?
Callicles: Very true.
Socrates: I suppose that he is affected by them, and gets rid of them in turns?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: And he may have strength and weakness in the same way, by fits?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: Or swiftness and slowness?
Callicles: Certainly.
Socrates: And does he have and not have good and happiness, and their opposites, evil and misery, in a similar alternation?
Callicles: Certainly he has.
Socrates: If then there be anything which a man has and has not at the same time, clearly that cannot be good and evil-do we agree? Please not to answer without consideration.
Callicles: I entirely agree.
Socrates: Go back now to our former admissions. Did you say that to hunger, I mean the mere state of hunger, was pleasant or painful?
Callicles: I said painful, but that to eat when you are hungry is pleasant.
Socrates: I know; but still the actual hunger is painful; am I not right?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: And thirst, too, is painful?
Callicles: Yes, very.
Socrates: Need I adduce any more instances, or would you agree that all wants or desires are painful?
Callicles: I agree, and therefore you need not adduce any more instances.
Socrates: Very good. And you would admit that to drink, when you are thirsty, is pleasant?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: And in the sentence which you have just uttered, the word “thirsty” implies pain?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: And the word “drinking” is expressive of pleasure, and of the satisfaction of the want?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: There is pleasure in drinking?
Callicles: Certainly.
Socrates: When you are thirsty? And in pain?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: Do you see the inference?
That pleasure and pain are simultaneous, when you say that being thirsty, you drink? For are they not simultaneous, and do they not affect at the same time the same part, whether of the soul or the body?
Which of them is affected cannot be supposed to be of any consequence; Is not this true!?
Callicles: It is.
Socrates: You said also, that no man could have good and evil fortune at the same time?
Callicles: Yes, I did.
Socrates: But, you admitted that when in pain a man might also have pleasure?
Callicles: Clearly.
Socrates: Then pleasure is not the same as good fortune, or pain the same as evil fortune, and therefore the good is not the same as the pleasant?
Callicles: I wish I knew, Socrates, what your quibbling means.
Socrates: You know, Callicles, but you affect not to know.
Callicles: Well, get on, and don’t keep fooling: then you will know what a wiseacre you are in your admonition of me.
Socrates: Does not a man cease from his thirst and from his pleasure in drinking at the same time?
Callicles: I do not understand what you are saying.
Gorgias: Nay, Callicles, answer, if only for our sakes; we should like to hear the argument out.
Callicles: Yes, Gorgias, but I must complain of the habitual trifling of Socrates; he is always arguing about little and unworthy questions.
Gorgias: What matter? Your reputation, Callicles, is not at stake. Let Socrates argue in his own fashion.
Callicles: Well, then, Socrates, you shall ask these little peddling questions, since Gorgias wishes to have them.
Socrates: I envy you, Callicles, for having been initiated into the great mysteries before you were initiated into the lesser. I thought that this was not allowable, but to return to our argument; does not a man cease from thirsting and from pleasure of drinking at the same moment?
Callicles: True.
Socrates: And if he is hungry, or has any other desire, does he not cease from the desire and the pleasure at the same moment?
Callicles: Very true.
Socrates: Then he ceases from pain and pleasure at the same moment?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: But he does not cease from good and evil at the same moment, as you have admitted; do you still adhere to what you said?
Callicles: Yes, I do; but what is the inference?
Socrates: Why, my friend, the inference is that the good is not the same as the pleasant, or the evil the same as the painful; there is a cessation of pleasure and pain at the same moment; but not of good and evil, for they are different. How then can pleasure be the same as good, or pain as evil?
And I would have you look at the matter in another light, which could hardly, I think, have been considered by you but was identified by them.
Are not the good they have good present with them; as the beautiful are those who have beauty present with them?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: And do you call the fools and cowards good men? For you were saying just now that the courageous and the wise are the good would you not say so?
Callicles: Certainly.
Socrates: And did you never see a foolish child rejoicing?
Callicles: Yes, I have.
Socrates: And a foolish man too?
Callicles: Yes, certainly; but what is your drift?
Socrates: Nothing particular, if you will only answer.
Callicles: Yes, I have.
Socrates: And did you ever see a sensible man rejoicing or sorrowing?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: Which rejoice and sorrow most; the wise or the foolish?
Callicles: They are much upon a par, I think, in that respect.
Socrates: Enough! And did you ever see a coward in battle?
Callicles: To be sure.
Socrates: And which rejoiced most at the departure of the enemy; the coward or the brave?
Callicles: I should say “most” of both; or at any rate, they rejoiced about equally.
Socrates: No matter; then the cowards, and not only the brave, rejoice?
Callicles: Greatly.
Socrates: And the foolish; so it would seem?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: And are only the cowards pained at the approach of their enemies, or are the brave also pained?
Callicles: Both are pained.
Socrates: And are they equally pained?
Callicles: I should imagine that the cowards are more pained.
Socrates: And are they better pleased at the enemy’s departure?
Callicles: I dare say.
Socrates: Then are the foolish and the wise and the cowards and the brave all pleased and pained, as you were saying, in nearly equal degree; but are the cowards more pleased and pained than the brave?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: But surely the wise and brave are the good, and the foolish and the cowardly are the bad?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: Then the good and the bad are pleased and pained in a nearly equal degree?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: Then are the good and bad good and bad in a nearly equal degree, or have the bad the advantage both in good and evil? [in having more pleasure and more pain]
Callicles: I really do not know what you mean.
Socrates: Why, do you not remember saying that the good were good because good was present with them, and the evil because evil; and that pleasures were goods and pains evils?
Callicles: Yes, I remember.
Socrates: And are not these pleasures or goods present to those who rejoice; if they do rejoice?
Callicles: Certainly.
Socrates: Then those who rejoice are good when goods are present with them?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: And those who are in pain have evil or sorrow present with them?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: And would you still say that the evil are evil by reason of the presence of evil?
Callicles: I should.
Socrates: Then those who rejoice are good, and those who are in pain evil?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: The degrees of good and evil vary with the degrees of pleasure and of pain?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: Have the wise man and the fool, the brave and the coward, joy and pain in nearly equal degrees? Or would you say that the coward has more?
Callicles: I should say that he has.
Socrates: Help me then to draw out the conclusion which follows from our admissions; for it is good to repeat and review what is good twice and thrice over, as they say. Both the wise man and the brave man we allow to be good?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: And the foolish man and the coward to be evil?
Callicles: Certainly.
Socrates: And he who has joy is good?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: And he who is in pain is evil?
Callicles: Certainly.
Socrates: The good and evil both have joy and pain, but, perhaps, the evil has more of them?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: Then must we not infer, that the bad man is as good and bad as the good, or, perhaps, even better? Is not this a further inference which follows equally with the preceding from the assertion that the good and the pleasant are the same? Can this be denied, Callicles?
Callicles: I have been listening and making admissions to you, Socrates; and I remark that if a person grants you anything in play, you, like a child, want to keep hold and will not give it back. But do you really suppose that I or any other human being denies that some pleasures are good and others bad?
Socrates: Alas, Callicles, how unfair you are! You certainly treat me as if I were a child, sometimes saying one thing, and then another, as if you were meaning to deceive me!
And yet I thought at first that you were my friend, and would not have deceived me if you could have helped. But I see that I was mistaken; and now I suppose that I must make the best of a bad business, as they said of old, and take what I can get out of you. Well, then, as I understand you to say, I may assume that some pleasures are good and others evil?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: The beneficial are good, and the hurtful are evil?
Callicles: To be sure.
Socrates: And the beneficial are those which do some good, and the hurtful are those which do some evil?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: Take, for example, the bodily pleasures of eating and drinking, which we were just now mentioning; you mean to say that those which promote health, or any other bodily excellence, are good, and their opposites evil?
Callicles: Certainly.
Socrates: And in the same way there are good pains and there are evil pains?
Callicles: To be sure.
Socrates: And ought we not to choose and use the good pleasures and pains?
Callicles: Certainly.
Socrates: But not the evil?
Callicles: Clearly.
Socrates: Because, if you remember, Polus and I have agreed that all our actions are to be done for the sake of the good and will you agree with us in saying, that the good is the end of all our actions, and that all our actions are to be done for the sake of the good? Will you add a third vote to our two?!
Callicles: I will.
Socrates: Then pleasure, like everything else, is to be sought for the sake of that which is good, and not that which is good for the sake of pleasure?
Callicles: To be sure.
Socrates: But can every man choose what pleasures are good and what are evil, or must he have art or knowledge of them in detail?
Callicles: He must have art.
Socrates: Let me now remind you of what I was saying to Gorgias and Polus; I was saying, as you will not have forgotten, that there were some processes which aim only at pleasure, and know nothing of a better and worse, and there are other processes which know good and evil.
And I considered that cookery, which I do not call an art, but only an experience, was of the former class, which is concerned with pleasure, and that the art of medicine was of the class which is concerned with the good. And now, by the God of friendship, I must beg you, Callicles, not to jest, or to imagine that I am jesting with you; do not answer at random and contrary to your real opinion;
For you will observe that we are arguing about the way of human life; and to a man who has any sense at all, what question can be more serious than this?
Whether he should follow after that way of life to which you exhort me, and act what you call the manly part of speaking in the assembly, and cultivating rhetoric, and engaging in public affairs, according to the principles now in vogue; or whether he should pursue the life of philosophy; and in what the latter way differs from the former.
But perhaps we had better first try to distinguish them, as I did before, and when we have come to an agreement that they are distinct, we may proceed to consider in what way they differ from one another, and which of them we should choose. Perhaps, however, you do not even now understand what I mean?
Callicles: No, I do not.
Socrates: Then I will explain myself more clearly: seeing that you and I have agreed that there is such a thing as good, and that there is such a thing as pleasure, and that pleasure is not the same as good, and that the pursuit and process of acquisition of the one, that is pleasure, is different from the pursuit and process of acquisition of the other, which is good; I wish that you would tell me whether you agree with me thus far or not?
Callicles: I do.
Socrates: Then I will proceed, and ask whether you also agree with me, and whether you think that I spoke the truth when I further said to Gorgias and Polus that cookery in my opinion is only an experience, and not an art at all;
And that whereas medicine is an art, and attends to the nature and constitution of the patient, and has principles of action and reason in each case, cookery in attending upon pleasure never regards either the nature or reason of that pleasure to which she devotes herself, but goes straight to her end, nor ever considers or calculates anything, but works by experience and routine, and just preserves the recollection of what she has usually done when producing pleasure.
And first, I would have you consider whether I have proved what I was saying, and then whether there are not other similar processes which have to do with the soul-some of them processes of art, making a provision for the soul’s highest interest-others despising the interest, and, as in the previous case, considering only the pleasure of the soul, and how this may be acquired, but not considering what pleasures are good or bad, and having no other aim but to afford gratification, whether good or bad.
In my opinion, Callicles, there are such processes, and this is the sort of thing which I term flattery, whether concerned with the body or the soul, or whenever employed with a view to pleasure and without any consideration of good and evil. And now I wish that you would tell me whether you agree with us in this notion, or whether you differ.
Callicles: I do not differ; on the contrary, I agree; for in that way I shall soonest bring the argument to an end, and shall oblige my friend Gorgias.
Socrates: And is this notion true of one soul, or of two or more?
Callicles: Equally true of two or more.
Socrates: Then a man may delight a whole assembly, and yet have no regard for their true interests?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: Can you tell me the pursuits which delight mankind; or rather, if you would prefer, let me ask, and do you answer, which of them belong to the pleasurable class, and which of them not? In the first place, what say you of flute playing? Does not that appear to be an art which seeks only pleasure, Callicles, and thinks of nothing else?
Callicles: I assent.
Socrates: And is not the same true of all similar arts, as, for example, the art of playing the lyre at festivals?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: And what do you say of the choral art and of dithyrambic poetry? Are not they of the same nature? Do you imagine that Cinesias the son of Meles cares about what will tend to the moral improvement of his hearers, or about what will give pleasure to the multitude?
Callicles: There can be no mistake about Cinesias, Socrates.
Socrates: And what do you say of his father, Meles the harp-player? Did he perform with any view to the good of his hearers? Could he be said to regard even their pleasure? For his singing was an infliction to his audience. And of harp playing and dithyrambic poetry in general, what would you say? Have they not been invented wholly for the sake of pleasure?
Callicles: That is my notion of them.
Socrates: And as for the Muse of Tragedy, that solemn and august personage; what are her aspirations? Is all her aim and desire only to give pleasure to the spectators, or does she fight against them and refuse to speak of their pleasant vices, and willingly proclaim in word and song truths welcome and unwelcome? Which in your judgment is her character?
Callicles: There can be no doubt, Socrates, that Tragedy has her face turned towards pleasure and the gratification of the audience.
Socrates: And is not that the sort of thing, Callicles, which we were just now describing as flattery?
Callicles: Quite true.
Socrates: Well now, suppose that we strip all poetry of song and rhythm and meter, there will remain speech?
Callicles: To be sure.
Socrates: And this speech is addressed to a crowd of people?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: Then, poetry is a sort of rhetoric?
Callicles: True.
Socrates: And do not the poets in the theaters seem to you to be rhetoricians?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: Then now we have discovered a sort of rhetoric which is addressed to a crowd of men, women, and children, freemen and slaves. And this is not much to our taste, for we have described it as having the nature of flattery.
Callicles: Quite true.
Socrates: Very good. And what do you say of that other rhetoric which addresses the Athenian assembly and the assemblies of freemen in other states? Do the rhetoricians appear to you always to aim at what is best, and do they seek to improve the citizens by their speeches, or are they too, like the rest of mankind, bent upon giving them pleasure, forgetting the public good in the thought of their own interest, playing with the people as with children, and trying to amuse them, but never considering whether they are better or worse for this?
Callicles: I must distinguish. There are some who have a real care of the public in what they say, while others are such as you describe.
Socrates: I am contented with the admission that rhetoric is of two sorts; one, which is mere flattery and disgraceful declamation; the other, which is noble and aims at the training and improvement of the souls of the citizens, and strives to say what is best, whether welcome or unwelcome, to the audience; but have you ever known such a rhetoric; or if you have, and can point out any rhetorician who is of this stamp, who is he?
Callicles: But, indeed, I am afraid that I cannot tell you of any such among the orators who are at present living.
Socrates: Well, then, can you mention anyone of a former generation, who may be said to have improved the Athenians, who found them worse and made them better, from the day that he began to make speeches? For, indeed, I do not know of such a man!
Callicles: What! Did you never hear that Themistocles was a good man, and Cimon and Miltiades and Pericles, who is just lately dead, and whom you heard yourself?
Socrates: Yes, Callicles, they were good men, if, as you said at first, true virtue consists only in the satisfaction of our own desires and those of others; but if not, and if, as we were afterwards compelled to acknowledge, the satisfaction of some desires makes us better, and of others, worse, and we ought to gratify the one and not the other, and there is an art in distinguishing them; can you tell me of any of these statesmen who did distinguish them?
Callicles: No, indeed, I cannot.
Socrates: Yet, surely, Callicles, if you look you will find such a one. Suppose that we just calmly consider whether any of these was such as I have described.
Will not the good man, who says whatever he says with a view to the best, speak with a reference to some standard and not at random; just as all other artists, whether the painter, the builder, the shipwright, or any other look all of them to their own work, and do not select and apply at random what they apply, but strive to give a definite form to it?
The artist disposes all things in order, and compels the one part to harmonize and accord with the other part, until he has constructed a regular and systematic whole; and this is true of all artists, and in the same way the trainers and physicians, of whom we spoke before, give order and regularity to the body; do you deny this?
Callicles: No; I am ready to admit it.
Socrates: Then the house in which order and regularity prevail is good, that in which there is disorder, evil?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: And the same is true of a ship?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: And the same may be said of the human body?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: And what would you say of the soul? Will the good soul be that in which disorder is prevalent, or that in which there is harmony and order?
Callicles: The latter follows from our previous admissions.
Socrates: What is the name which is given to the effect of harmony and order in the body?
Callicles: I suppose that you mean health and strength?
Socrates: Yes, I do; and what is the name which you would give to the effect of harmony and order in the soul? Try and discover a name for this as well as for the other.
Callicles: Why not give the name yourself, Socrates?
Socrates: Well, if you had rather that I should, I will; and you shall say whether you agree with me, and if not, you shall refute and answer me. “Healthy,” as I conceive, is the name which is given to the regular order of the body, whence comes health and every other bodily excellence: is that true or not?
Callicles: True.
Socrates: And “lawful” and “law” are the names which are given to the regular order and action of the soul, and these make men lawful and orderly; and so we have temperance and justice: have we not?
Callicles: Granted.
Socrates: And will not the true rhetorician who is honest and understands his art have his eye fixed upon these, in all the words which he addresses to the souls of men, and in all his actions, both in what he gives and in what he takes away? Will not his aim be to implant justice in the souls of his citizens and to take away injustice? To implant temperance and take away intemperance, to implant every virtue and take away every vice? Do you not agree!?
Callicles: I agree.
Socrates: For what use is there, Callicles, in giving to the body of a sick man who is in a bad state of health a quantity of the most delightful food or drink or any other pleasant thing, which may be really as bad for him as if you gave him nothing, or even worse if rightly estimated. Is not that true?
Callicles: I will not say No to it.
Socrates: For in my opinion there is no profit in a man’s life if his body is in an evil plight; in that case his life also is evil: am I not right?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: When a man is in health the physicians will generally allow him to eat when he is hungry and drink when he is thirsty, and to satisfy his desires as he likes, but when he is sick they hardly suffer him to satisfy his desires at all: even you will admit that?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: And does not the same argument hold of the soul, my good sir? While she is in a bad state and is senseless and intemperate and unjust and unholy, her desires ought to be controlled, and she ought to be prevented from doing anything which does not tend to her own improvement.
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: Such treatment will be better for the soul herself?
Callicles: To be sure.
Socrates: And to restrain her from her appetites is to chastise her?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: Then restraint or chastisement is better for the soul than intemperance or the absence of control, which you were just now preferring?
Callicles: I do not understand you, Socrates, and I wish that you would ask someone who does.
Socrates: Here is a gentleman who cannot endure to be improved or: to subject himself to that very chastisement of which the argument speaks!
Callicles: I do not heed a word of what you are saying, and have only answered hitherto out of civility to Gorgias.
Socrates: What are we to do, then? Shall we break off in the middle!?
Callicles: You shall judge for yourself.
Socrates: Well, but people say that; “A tale should have a head and not break off in the middle.” And I should not like to have the argument going about without a head; please then to go on a little longer, and put the head on.
Callicles: How tyrannical you are, Socrates! I wish that you and your argument would rest, or that you would get someone else to argue with you.
Socrates: But who else is willing!? I want to finish the argument.
Callicles: Cannot you finish without my help, either talking straight: on, or questioning and answering yourself?
Socrates: Must I then say with Epicharmus, “Two men spoke before, but now one shall be enough?” I suppose that there is absolutely no help.
And if I am to carry on the inquiry by myself, I will first of all remark that not only, but all of us should have an ambition to know what is true and what is false in this matter, for the discovery of the truth is common good.
And now I will proceed to argue according to my own notion. But if any of you think that I arrive at conclusions which are untrue you must interpose and refute me, for I do not speak from any knowledge of what I am saying; I am an inquirer like yourselves, and therefore, if my opponent says anything which is of force, I shall be the first to agree with him. I am speaking on the supposition that the argument ought to be completed; but if you think otherwise let us leave off and go our ways.
Gorgias: I think, Socrates, that we should not go our ways until you have completed the argument; and this appears to me to be the wish of the rest of the company; I myself should very much like to hear what more you have to say.
Socrates: I too, Gorgias, should have liked to continue the argument with Callicles, and then I might have given him an “Amphion” in return for his “Zethus” but since you, Callicles, are unwilling to continue, I hope that you will listen, and interrupt me if I seem to you to be in error. And if you refute me, I shall not be angry with you as you are with me, but I shall inscribe you as the greatest of benefactors on the tablets of my soul.
Callicles: My good fellow, never mind me, but get on.
(Socrates resorts to cross-examining himself) Socrates: Listen to me, then, while I recapitulate the argument; Is the pleasant the same as the good?
Not the same.
Callicles and I are agreed about that. And is the pleasant to be pursued for the sake of the good? Or the good for the sake of the pleasant?
The pleasant is to be pursued for the sake of the good.
And that is pleasant at the presence of which we are pleased, and that is good at the presence of which we are good?
To be sure.
And we are good, and all good things whatever are good when some virtue is present in us or them? That, Callicles, is my conviction.
But the virtue of each thing, whether body or soul, instrument or creature, when given to them in the best way comes to them not by chance but as the result of the order and truth and art which are imparted to them: Am I not right? I maintain that I am.
And is not the virtue of each thing dependent on order or arrangement? Yes, I say. And that which makes a thing good is the proper order inhering in each thing? Such is my view. And is not the soul which has an order of her own better than that which has no order? Certainly. And the soul which has order is orderly? Of course. And that which is orderly is temperate? Assuredly. And the temperate soul is good? No other answer can I give, Callicles dear; have you any?
Callicles: Go on, my good fellow.
Socrates: Then I shall proceed to add, that if the, temperate soul is the good soul, the soul which is in the opposite condition, that is, the foolish and intemperate, is the bad soul.
Very true.
And will not the temperate man do what is proper, both in relation to the gods and to men; for he would not be temperate if he did not?
Certainly; he will do what is proper.
In his relation to other men he will do what is just; see and in his relation to the gods he will do what is holy; and he who does what is just and holy must be just and holy?
Very true.
And must he not be COURAGEOUS? For the duty of a temperate man is not to follow or to avoid what he ought not, but what he ought, whether things or men or pleasures or pains, and patiently to endure when he ought; and therefore, Callicles, the temperate man, being, as we have described, also just and courageous and holy, cannot be other than a perfectly good man, nor can the good man do otherwise than well and perfectly whatever he does; and he who does well must of necessity be happy and blessed, and the evil man who does evil, miserable: now this latter is he whom you were applauding; the intemperate who is the opposite of the temperate.
Such is my position, and these things I affirm to be true.
And if they are true, then I further affirm that he who desires to be happy must pursue and practice temperance and run away from intemperance as fast as his legs will carry him: he had better order his life so as not to need punishment; but if either he or any of his friends, whether private individual or city, are in need of punishment, then justice must be done and he must suffer punishment, if he would be happy.
This appears to me to be the aim which a man ought to have, and towards which he ought to direct all the energies both of himself and of the state,
Acting so that he may have temperance and justice present with him and be happy, not suffering his lusts to be unrestrained, and in the never ending desire satisfy them leading a robber’s life.
Such one is the friend neither of God nor man, for he is incapable of communion, and he who is incapable of communion is also incapable of friendship.
And philosophers tell us, Callicles, that communion and friendship and orderliness and temperance and justice bind together heaven and earth and Gods and men, and that this universe is therefore called Cosmos or order, not disorder or misrule, my friend.
But although you are a philosopher you seem to me never to have observed that geometrical equality is mighty, both among gods and men; you think that you ought to cultivate inequality or excess, and do not care about geometry.
Well, then, either the principle that the happy are made happy by the possession of justice and temperance, and the miserable the possession of vice, must be refuted, or, if it is granted, what will be the consequences?
All the consequences which I drew before, Callicles, and about which you asked me whether I was in earnest when I said that a man ought to accuse himself and his son and his friend if he did anything wrong, and that to this end he should use his rhetoric; all those consequences are true.
And that which you thought that Polus was led to admit out of modesty is true; to do injustice is more disgraceful than to suffer; and the other position, which, according to Polus, Gorgias admitted out of modesty, that he who would truly be a rhetorician ought to be just and have a knowledge of justice, has also turned out to be true.
And now, these things being as we have said, let us proceed in the next place to consider whether you are right in throwing in my teeth that I am unable to help myself or any of my friends or kinsmen, or to save them in the extremity of danger, and that I am in the power of another like an outlaw to whom anyone may do what he likes; he may box my ears, which was a brave saying of yours; or take away my goods or banish me, or even do his worst and kill me; a condition which, as you say, is the height of disgrace. My answer to you is one which has been already often repeated, but may as well be repeated once more.
I tell you, Callicles, that to be boxed on the ears wrongfully is not the worst evil which can befall a man, nor to have my purse or my body cut open, but that to smite and slay me and mine wrongfully is far more disgraceful and more evil; aye, and to despoil and enslave and pillage, or in any way at all to wrong me and mine, is far more disgraceful and evil to the doer of the wrong than to me who am the sufferer.
These truths, which have been already set forth as I state them in the previous discussion, would seem now to have been fixed and riveted by us, if I may use an expression which is certainly bold, in words which are like bonds of iron and adamant; and unless you or some other still more enterprising hero shall break them, there is no possibility of denying what I say.
For my position has always been, that I myself am ignorant how these things are, but that I have never met anyone who could say otherwise, any more than you can, and not appear ridiculous. This is my position still, and if what I am saying is true, and injustice is the greatest of evils to the doer of injustice, and yet there is if possible a greater than this greatest of evils, in an unjust man not suffering retribution, what is that defense of which the want will make a man truly ridiculous? Must not the defense be one which will avert the greatest of human evils? And will not worst of all defenses be that with which a man is unable to defend himself or his family or his friends? And next will come that which is unable to avert the next greatest evil; thirdly that which is unable to avert the third greatest evil; and so of other evils. As is the greatness of evil so is the honor of being able to avert them in their several degrees, and the disgrace of not being able to avert them. Am I not right Callicles?
Callicles: Yes, quite right.
Socrates: Seeing then that there are these two evils, the doing injustice and the suffering injustice; and we affirm that to do injustice is a greater, and to suffer injustice a lesser evil-by what devices can a man succeed in obtaining the two advantages, the one of not doing and the other of not suffering injustice?
Must he have the power, or only the will to obtain them? I mean to ask whether a man will escape injustice if he has only the will to escape, or must he have provided himself with the power?
Callicles: He must have provided himself with the power; that is clear.
Socrates: And what do you say of doing injustice? Is the will only sufficient, and will that prevent him from doing injustice, or must he have provided himself with power and art; and if he has not studied and practiced, will he be unjust still? Surely you might say, Callicles, whether you think that Polus and I were right in admitting the conclusion that no one does wrong voluntarily, but that all do wrong against their will?
Callicles: Granted, Socrates, if you will only have done.
Socrates: Then, as would appear, power and art have to be provided in order that we may do no injustice?
Callicles: Certainly.
Socrates: And what art will protect us from suffering injustice, if not wholly, yet as far as possible? I want to know whether you agree with me; for I think that such an art is the art of one who is either a ruler or even tyrant himself, or the equal and companion of the ruling power.
Callicles: Well said, Socrates; and please observe how ready I am to praise you when you talk sense.
Socrates: Think and tell me whether you would approve of another view of mine;
To me every man appears to be most the friend of him who is most like to him; like to like, as ancient sages say. Would you not agree to this?
Callicles: I should.
Socrates: But when the tyrant is rude and uneducated, he may be expected to fear anyone who is his superior in virtue, and will never be able to be perfectly friendly with him?
Callicles: That is true.
Socrates: Neither will he be the friend of anyone who greatly his inferior, for the tyrant will despise him, and will never seriously regard him as a friend.
Callicles: That again is true.
Socrates: Then the only friend worth mentioning, whom the tyrant can have, will be one who is of the same character, and has the same likes and dislikes, and is at the same time willing to be subject and subservient to him; he is the man who will have power in the state, and no one will injure him with impunity; is not that so?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: And if a young man begins to ask how he may become great and formidable, this would seem to be the way; he will accustom himself, from his youth upward, to feel sorrow and joy on the same occasions as his master, and will contrive to be as like him as possible?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: And in this way he will have accomplished, as you and your friends would say, the end of becoming a great man and not suffering injury?
Callicles: Very true.
Socrates: But will he also escape from doing injury? Must not the very opposite be true; if he is to be like the tyrant in his injustice, and to have influence with him? Will he not rather contrive to do as much wrong as possible, and not be punished?
Callicles: True.
Socrates: And by the imitation of his master and by the power which he thus acquires will not his soul become bad and corrupted, and will not this be the greatest evil to him?
Callicles: You always contrive somehow or other, Socrates, to invert everything: do you not know that he who imitates the tyrant will, if he has a mind, kill him who does not imitate him and take away his goods?
Socrates: Excellent Callicles! I am not deaf, and I have heard that a great many times from you and from Polus and from nearly every man in the city, but I wish that you would hear me too.
I dare say that he will kill him if he has a mind; the bad man will kill the good and true.
Callicles: And is not that just the MOST provoking thing!?
Socrates: Nay, not to a man of sense, as the argument shows: do you think that all our cares should be directed to prolonging life to the uttermost, and to the study of those arts which secure us from danger always; like that art of rhetoric which saves men in courts of law, and which you advise me to cultivate?
Callicles: Yes, truly, and very good advice too!
Socrates: Well, my friend, but what do you think of swimming; is that an art of any great pretensions?
Callicles: No, indeed.
Socrates: And yet surely swimming saves a man from death, there are occasions on which he must know how to swim. And if you despise the swimmers, I will tell you of another and greater art, the art of the pilot, who not only saves the souls of men, but also their bodies and properties from the extremity of danger, just like rhetoric. Yet his art is modest and unpresuming; it has no airs or pretenses of doing anything extraordinary, and, in return for the same salvation which is given by the pleader, demands only two obols, if he brings us from Aegina to Athens, or for the longer voyage from Pontus or Egypt, at the utmost two drachmae, when he has saved, as I was just now saying, the passenger and his wife and children and goods, and safely disembarked them at the Piraeus -this is the payment which he asks in return for so great a boon; and he who is the master of the art, and has done all this, gets out and walks about on the seashore by his ship in an unassuming way.
For he is able to reflect and is aware that he cannot tell which of his fellow passengers he has benefited, and which of them he has injured in not allowing them to be drowned. He knows that they are just the same when he has disembarked them as when they embarked, and not a whit better either in their bodies or in their souls; and he considers that if a man who is afflicted by great and incurable bodily diseases is only to be pitied for having escaped, and is in no way benefited by him in having been saved from drowning, much less he who has great and incurable diseases, not of the body, but of the soul, which is the more valuable part of him; neither is life worth having nor of any profit to the bad man, whether he be delivered from the sea, or the law-courts, or any other devourer-and so he reflects that such a one had better not live, for he cannot live well.
And this is the reason why the pilot, although he is our savior, is not usually conceited, anymore than the engineer, who is not at all behind either the general, or the pilot, or anyone else, in his saving power, for he sometimes saves whole cities.
Is there any comparison between him and the pleader?
And if he were to talk, Callicles, in your grandiose style, he would bury you under a mountain of words, declaring and insisting that we ought all of us to be engine makers, and that no other profession is worth thinking about; he would have plenty to say. Nevertheless you despise him and his art, and sneeringly call him an engine-maker, and you will not allow your daughters to marry his son, or marry your son to his daughters. And yet, on your principle, what justice or reason is there in your refusal? What right have you to despise the engine maker, and the others whom I was just now mentioning?
I know that you will say, “I am better, better born.”
But if the better is not what I say, and virtue consists only in a man saving himself and his, whatever may be his character, then your censure of the engine maker, and of the physician, and of the other arts of salvation, is ridiculous.
O my friend! I want you to see that the noble and the good may possibly be something different from saving and being saved; May not he who is truly a man cease to care about living a certain time?
He knows, as women say, that no man can escape fate, and therefore he is not fond of life; he leaves all that with God, and considers in what way he can best spend his appointed term; whether by assimilating himself to the constitution under which he lives, as you at this moment have to consider how you may become as like as possible to the Athenian people, if you mean to be in their good graces, and to have power in the state; whereas I want you to think and see whether this is for the interest of either of us; I would not have us risk that which is dearest on the acquisition of this power, like the Thessalian enchantresses, who, as they say, bring down the moon from heaven at the risk of their own perdition.
But if you suppose that any man will show you the art of becoming great in the city, and yet not conforming yourself to the ways of the city, whether for better or worse, then I can only say that you are mistaken, Callides; for he who would deserve to be the true natural friend of the Athenian Demus, aye, or of Pyrilampes’ darling who is called after them, must be by nature like them, and not an imitator only.
He, then, who will make you most like them, will make you as you desire, a statesman and orator: for every man is pleased when he is spoken to in his own language and spirit, and dislikes any other. But perhaps you, sweet Callicles, may be of another mind. What do you say?
Callicles: Somehow or other your words, Socrates, always appear to me to be good words; and yet, like the rest of the world, I am not quite convinced by them.
Socrates: The reason is, Callicles, that the love of Demus which abides in your soul is an adversary to me; but I dare say that if we recur to these same matters, and consider them more thoroughly, you may be convinced for all that.
Please, then, to remember that there are two processes of training all things, including body and soul; in the one, as we said, we treat them with a view to pleasure, and in the other with a view to the highest good, and then we do not indulge but resist them: was not that the distinction which we drew?
Callicles: Very true.
Socrates: And the one which had pleasure in view was just a vulgar flattery; was not that another of our conclusions?
Callicles: Be it so, if you will have it.
Socrates: And the other had in view the greatest improvement of that which was ministered to, whether body or soul?
Callicles: Quite true.
Socrates: And must we not have the same end in view in the treatment of our city and citizens? Must we not try and make them as good as possible? For we have already discovered that there is no use in imparting to them any other good, unless the mind of those who are to have the good, whether money, or office, or any other sort of power, be gentle and good. Shall we say that?
Callicles: Yes, certainly, if you like.
Socrates: Well, then, if you and I, Callicles, were intending to set about some public business, and were advising one another to undertake buildings, such as walls, docks or temples of the largest size, ought we not to examine ourselves, first, as to whether we know or do not know the art of building, and who taught us? Would not that be necessary, Callicles?
Callicles: True.
Socrates: In the second place, we should have to consider whether we had ever constructed any private house, either of our own or for our friends, and whether this building of ours was a success or not; and if upon consideration we found that we had had good and eminent masters, and had been successful in constructing many fine buildings, not only with their assistance, but without them, by our own unaided skill; in that case prudence would not dissuade us from proceeding to the construction of public works. But if we had no master to show, and only a number of worthless buildings or none at all, then, surely, it would be ridiculous in us to attempt public works, or to advise one another to undertake them. Is not this true?
Callicles: Certainly.
Socrates: And does not the same hold in all other cases? If you and I were physicians, and were advising one another that we were competent to practice as state physicians, should I not ask about you, and would you not ask about me?
“Well, but how about Socrates himself, has he good health? And was anyone else ever known to be cured by him, whether slave or freeman?”
And I should make the same inquiries about you. And if we arrived at the conclusion that no one, whether citizen or stranger, man or woman, had ever been any the better for the medical skill of either of us, then, by Heaven, Callicles, what an absurdity to think that we or any human being should be so silly as to set up as state physicians and advise others like ourselves to do the same, without having first practiced in private, whether successfully or not, and acquired experience of the art!
Is not this, as they say, to begin with the big jar when you are learning the potter’s art; which is a foolish thing?
Callicles: True.
Socrates: And now, my friend, as you are already beginning to be a public character, and are admonishing and reproaching me for not being one, suppose that we ask a few questions of one another. Tell me, then, Callicles, how about making any of the citizens better? Was there ever a man who was once vicious, or unjust, or intemperate, or foolish, and became by the help of Callicles good and noble? Was there ever such a man, whether citizen or stranger, slave or freeman? Tell me, Callicles, if a person were to ask these questions of you, what would you answer? Whom would you say that you had improved by your conversation? There may have been good deeds of this sort which were done by you as a private person, before you came forward in public. Why will you not answer?
Callicles: You are contentious, Socrates.
Socrates: Nay, I ask you, not from a love of contention, but because I really want to know in what way you think that affairs should be administered among us;
Whether, when you come to the administration of them, you have any other aim but the improvement of the citizens? Have we not already admitted many times over that such is the duty of a public man? Nay, we have surely said so; for if you will not answer for yourself, I must answer for you. But if this is what the good man ought to effect for the benefit of his own state, allow me to recall to you the names of those whom you were just now mentioning, Pericles, and Cimon, and Miltiades, and Themistocles, and ask whether you still think that they were good citizens.
Callicles: I do.
Socrates: But if they were good, then clearly each of them must have made the citizens better instead of worse?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: And, therefore, when Pericles first began to speak in the assembly, the Athenians were not so good as when he spoke last?
Callicles: Very likely.
Socrates: Nay, my friend, “likely” is not the word; for if he was a good citizen, the inference is certain.
Callicles: And what difference does that make?
Socrates: None; only I should like further to know whether the Athenians are supposed to have been made better by Pericles, or, on the contrary, to have been corrupted by him; for I hear that he was the first who gave the people pay, and made them idle and cowardly, and encouraged them in the love of talk and money.
Callicles: You heard that, Socrates, from the laconizing set who bruise their ears.
Socrates: But what I am going to tell you now is not mere hearsay, but well known both to you and me:
That at first, Pericles was glorious and his character unimpeached by any verdict of the Athenians-this was during the time when they were not so good; yet afterwards, when they had been made good and gentle by him, at the very end of his life they convicted him of theft, and almost put him to death, clearly under the notion that he was a malefactor.
Callicles: Well, but how does that prove Pericles’ badness?
Socrates: Why, surely you would say that he was a bad manager of asses or horses or oxen, who had received them originally neither kicking nor butting nor biting him, and implanted in them all these savage tricks? Would he not be a bad manager of any animals who received them gentle, and made them fiercer than they were when he received them? What do you say?
Callicles: I will do you the favor of saying “yes.”
Socrates: And will you also do me the favor of saying whether man is an animal?
Callicles: Certainly he is.
Socrates: And was not Pericles a shepherd of men?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: And if he was a good political shepherd, ought not the animals who were his subjects, as we were just now acknowledging, to have become more just, and not more unjust?
Callicles: Quite true.
Socrates: And are not just men gentle, as Homer says? Or are you of another mind?
Callicles: I agree.
Socrates: And yet he really did make them more savage than he received them, and their savageness was shown towards himself; which he must have been very far from desiring.
Callicles: Do you want me to agree with you?
Socrates: Yes, if I seem to you to speak the truth.
Callicles: Granted then.
Socrates: And if they were more savage, must they not have been more unjust and inferior?
Callicles: Granted again.
Socrates: Then upon this view, Pericles was not a good statesman?
Callicles: That is, upon your view.
Socrates: Nay, the view is yours, after what you have admitted. Take the case of Cimon again. Did not the very persons whom he was serving ostracize him, in order that they might not hear his voice for ten years? And they did just the same to Themistocles, adding the penalty of exile; and they voted that Miltiades, the hero of Marathon, should be thrown into the pit of death, and he was only saved by the Prytanis. And yet, if they had been really good men, as you say, these things would never have happened to them. For the good charioteers are not those who at first keep their place, and then, when they have broken-in their horses, and themselves become better charioteers, are thrown out; that is not the way either in charioteering or in any profession; what do you think?
Callicles: I should think not.
Socrates: Well, but if so, the truth is as I have said already, that in the Athenian State no one has ever shown himself to be a good statesman; you admitted that this was true of our present statesmen, but not true of former ones, and you preferred them to the others; yet they have turned out to be no better than our present ones; and therefore, if they were rhetoricians, they did not use the true art of rhetoric or of flattery, or they would not have fallen out of favor.
Callicles: But surely, Socrates, no living man ever came near anyone of them in his performances.
Socrates: O, my dear friend, I say nothing against them regarded as the serving men of the State; and I do think that they were certainly more serviceable than those who are living now, and better able to gratify the wishes of the State; but as to transforming those desires and not allowing them to have their way, and using the powers which they had, whether of persuasion or of force, in the improvement of their fellow citizens, which is the prime object of the truly good citizen, I do not see that in these respects they were in any way superior to our present statesmen, although I do admit that they were more clever at providing ships and walls and docks, and all that.
You and I have a ridiculous way, for during the whole time that we are arguing, we are always going round and round to the same point, and constantly misunderstanding one another.
If I am not mistaken, you have admitted and acknowledged more than once, that there are two kinds of operations which have to do with the body, and two which have to do with the soul:
One of the two is ministerial, and if our bodies are hungry provides food for them, and if they are thirsty gives them drink, or if they are cold supplies them with garments, blankets, shoes, and all that they crave. I use the same images as before intentionally, in order that you may understand me the better.
The purveyor of the articles may provide them either wholesale or retail, or he may be the maker of any of them, the baker, or the cook, or the weaver, or the shoemaker, or the currier; and in so doing, being such as he is, he is naturally supposed by himself and every one to minister to the body.
For none of them know that there is another art; an art of gymnastic and medicine which is the true minister of the body, and ought to be the mistress of all the rest, and to use their results according to the knowledge which she has and they have not, of the real good or bad effects of meats and drinks on the body. All other arts which have to do with the body are servile and menial and illiberal; and gymnastic and medicine are, as they ought to be, their mistresses.
Now, when I say that all this is equally true of the soul, you seem at first to know and understand and assent to my words, and then a little while afterwards you come repeating,
“Has not the state had good and noble citizens?”
And when I ask you who they are, you reply, seemingly quite in earnest as if I had asked, who are or have been good trainers? And you had replied, Thearion, the baker, Mithoecus, who wrote the Sicilian cookery-book, Sarambus, the vintner: these are ministers of the body, first-rate in their art; for the first makes admirable loaves, the second excellent dishes, and the third capital wine;
To me these appear to be the exact parallel of the statesmen whom you mention. Now you would not be altogether pleased if I said to you, my friend, you know nothing of gymnastics; those of whom you are speaking to me are only the ministers and purveyors of luxury, who have no good or noble notions of their art, and may very likely be filling and fattening men’s bodies and gaining their approval, although the result is that they lose their original flesh in the long run, and become thinner than they were before; and yet they, in their simplicity, will not attribute their diseases and loss of flesh to their entertainers; but when in after years the unhealthy surfeit brings the attendant penalty of disease, he who happens to be near them at the time, and offers them advice, is accused and blamed by them, and if they could they would do him some harm; while they proceed to eulogize the men who have been the real authors of the mischief.
And that, Callicles, is just what you are now doing. You praise the men who feasted the citizens and satisfied their desires, and people say that they have made the city great, not seeing that the swollen and ulcerated condition of the state is to be attributed to these elder statesmen; for they have filled the city full of harbors and docks and walls and revenues and all that, and have left no room for justice and temperance.
And when the crisis of the disorder comes, the people will blame the advisers of the hour, and applaud Themistocles and Cimon and Pericles, who are the real authors of their calamities; and if you are not careful they may assail you and my friend Alcibiades, when they are losing not only their new acquisitions, but also their original possessions; not that you are the authors of these misfortunes of theirs, although you may perhaps be accessories to them.
A great piece of work is always being made, as I see and am told, now as of old; about our statesmen. When the State treats any of them as malefactors, I observe that there is a great uproar and indignation at the supposed wrong which is done to them;
“After all their many services to the State, that they should unjustly perish” so the tale runs.
But the cry is all a lie; for no statesman ever could be unjustly put to death by the city of which he is the head. The case of the professed statesman is, I believe, very much like that of the professed sophist; for the sophists, although they are wise men, are nevertheless guilty of a strange piece of folly; professing to be teachers of virtue, they will often accuse their disciples of wronging them, and defrauding them of their pay, and showing no gratitude for their services. Yet what can be more absurd than that men who have become just and good, and whose injustice has been taken away from them, and who have had justice implanted in them by their teachers, should act unjustly by reason of the injustice which is not in them? Can anything be more irrational, my friends, than this!? You, Callicles, compel me to be a mob orator, because you will not answer!
Callicles: And you are the man who cannot speak unless there is someone to answer?
Socrates: I suppose that I can; just now, at any rate, the speeches which I am making are long enough because you refuse to answer me.
But I adjure you by the God of friendship, my good sir, do tell me whether there does not appear to you to be a great inconsistency in saying that you have made a man good, and then blaming him for being bad?
Callicles: Yes, it appears so to me.
Socrates: Do you never hear our professors of education speaking in this inconsistent manner?
Callicles: Yes, but why talk of men who are good for nothing?
Socrates: I would rather say, why talk of men who profess to be rulers, and declare that they are devoted to the improvement of the city, and nevertheless upon occasion declaim against the utter vileness of the city; do you think that there is any difference between one and the other?
My good friend, the sophist and the rhetorician, as I was saying to Polus, are the same, or nearly the same; but you ignorantly fancy that rhetoric is a perfect thing, sophistry a thing to be despised; whereas the truth is, that sophistry is as much superior to rhetoric as legislation is to the practice of law, or gymnastic to medicine.
The orators and sophists, as I am inclined to think, are the only class who cannot complain of the mischief ensuing to themselves from that which they teach others, without in the same breath accusing themselves of having done no good to those whom they profess to benefit. Is not this a fact?
Callicles: Certainly it is.
Socrates: If they were right in saying that they make men better, then they are the only class who can afford to leave their remuneration to those who have been benefited by them. Whereas if a man has been benefited in any other way, if, for example, he has been taught to run by a trainer, he might possibly defraud him of his pay, if the trainer left the matter to him, and made no agreement with him that he should receive money as soon as he had given him the utmost speed; for not because of any deficiency of speed do men act unjustly, but by reason of injustice.
Callicles: Very true.
Socrates: And he who removes injustice can be in no danger of being treated unjustly: he alone can safely leave the honorarium to his pupils, if he be really able to make them good-am I not right?
Callicles: Yes.
Socrates: Then we have found the reason why there is no dishonor in a man receiving pay who is called in to advise about building or any other art?
Callicles: Yes, we have found the reason.
Socrates: But when the point is, how a man may become best himself, and best govern his family and state, then to say that you will give no advice gratis is held to be dishonorable?
Callicles: True.
Socrates: And why? Because only such benefits call forth a desire to requite them, and there is evidence that a benefit has been conferred when the benefactor receives a return; otherwise not. Is this true?
Callicles: It is.
Socrates: Then to which service of the State do you invite me? Determine for me. Am I to be the physician of the state who will strive and struggle to make the Athenians as good as possible; or am I to be the servant and flatterer of the state? Speak out, my good friend, freely and fairly as you did at first and ought to do again, and tell me your entire mind.
Callicles: I say then that you should be the servant of the state.
Socrates: The flatterer? Well, sir, that is a noble invitation.
Callicles: The Mysian, Socrates, or what you please. For if you refuse, the consequences will be-
Socrates: Do not repeat the old story-that he who likes will kill me and get my money; for then I shall have to repeat the old answer, that he will be a bad man and will kill the good, and that the money will be of no use to him, but that he will wrongly use that which he wrongly took, and if wrongly, basely, and if basely, hurtfully.
Callicles: How confident you are, Socrates, that you will never come to harm! You seem to think that you are living in another country, and can never be brought into a court of justice, as you very likely may be brought by some miserable and mean person.
Socrates: Then I must indeed be a fool, Callicles, if I do not know that in the Athenian State any man may suffer anything. And if I am brought to trial and incur the dangers of which you speak, he will be a villain who brings me to trial; of that I am very sure, for no good man would accuse the innocent. Nor shall I be surprised if I am put to death. Shall I tell you why I anticipate this?
Callicles: By all means.
Socrates: I think that I am the only or almost the only Athenian living who practices the true art of politics; I am the only politician of my time. Now, seeing that when I speak my words are not uttered with any view of gaining favor, and that I look to what is best and not to what is most pleasant, having no mind to use those arts and graces which you recommend, I shall have nothing to say in the justice court.
And you might argue with me, as I was arguing with Polus; I shall be tried just as a physician would be tried in a court of little boys at the indictment of the cook.
What would he reply under such circumstances? If someone were to accuse him, saying,
“O my boys, many evil things has this man done to you: he is the death of you, especially of the younger ones among you, cutting and burning and starving and suffocating you, until you know not what to do; he gives you the bitterest potions, and compels you to hunger and thirst. How unlike the variety of meats and sweets on which I feasted you!”
What do you suppose that the physician would be able to reply when he found himself in such a predicament? If he told the truth he could only say, “All these evil things, my boys, I did for your health.”
And then would there not just be a clamor among a jury like that? How they would cry out!
Callicles: I dare say.
Socrates: Would he not be utterly at a loss for a reply!?
Callicles: He certainly would.
Socrates: And I too shall be treated in the same way, as I well know, if I am brought before the court. For I shall not be able to rehearse to the people the pleasures which I have procured for them, and which, although I am not disposed to envy either the procurers or enjoyers of them, are deemed by them to be benefits and advantages. And if any one says that I corrupt young men, and perplex their minds, or that I speak evil of old men, and use bitter words towards them, whether in private or public, it is useless for me to reply, as I truly might:
“All this I do for the sake of justice, and with a view to your interest, my judges, and to nothing else.” And therefore there is no saying what may happen to me.
Callicles: And do you think, Socrates, that a man who is thus defenseless is in a good position?
Socrates: Yes, Callicles, if he have that defense, which as you have often acknowledged he should have-if he be his own defense, and have never said or done anything wrong, either in respect of gods or men; and this has been repeatedly acknowledged by us to be the best sort of defense.
And if anyone could convict me of inability to defend myself or others after this sort, I should blush for shame, whether I was convicted before many, or before a few, or by myself alone; and if I died from want of ability to do so, that would indeed grieve me.
But if I died because I have no powers of flattery or rhetoric, I am very sure that you would not find me repining at death. For no man who is not an utter fool and coward is afraid of death itself, but he is afraid of doing wrong.
For to go to the world below having one’s soul full of injustice is the last and worst of all evils.
And in proof of what I say, if you have no objection, I should like to tell you a story.
Callicles: Very well, proceed; and then we shall have done.
Socrates: Listen, then, as storytellers say, to a very pretty tale, which I dare say that you may be disposed to regard as a fable only, but which, as I believe, is a true tale, for I mean to speak the truth. Homer tells us, how Zeus and Poseidon and Pluto divided the empire which they inherited from their father.
Now in the days of Cronos there existed a law respecting the destiny of man, which has always been, and still continues to be in Heaven-that he who has lived all his life in justice and holiness shall go, when he is dead, to the Islands of the Blessed, and dwell there in perfect happiness out of the reach of evil;
but that he who has lived unjustly and impiously shall go to the house of vengeance and punishment, which is called Tartarus. And in the time of Cronos, and even quite lately in the reign of Zeus, the judgment was given on the very day on which the men were to die; the judges were alive, and the men were alive; and the consequence was that the judgments were not well given. Then Pluto and the authorities from the Islands of the Blessed came to Zeus, and said that the souls found their way to the wrong places.
Zeus said:
“I shall put a stop to this; the judgments are not well given!”
Because the persons who are judged have their clothes on, for they are alive; and there are many who, having evil souls, are appareled in fair bodies, or encased in wealth or rank, and, when the day of judgment arrives, numerous witnesses come forward and testify on their behalf that they have lived righteously. The judges are awed by them, and they themselves too have their clothes on when judging; their eyes and ears and their whole bodies are interposed as a well before their own souls.
All this is a hindrance to them; there are the clothes of the judges and the clothes of the judged; what is to be done?
I will tell you;
In the first place, I will deprive men of the foreknowledge of death, which they possess at present: this power which they have Prometheus has already received my orders to take from them: in the second place, they shall be entirely stripped before they are judged, for they shall be judged when they are dead; and the judge too shall be naked, that is to say, dead; he with his naked soul shall pierce into the other naked souls; and they shall die suddenly and be deprived of all their kindred, and leave their brave attire strewn upon the earth conducted in this manner, the judgment will be just.
I knew all about the matter before any of you, and therefore I have made my sons judges; two from Asia, Minos and Rhadamanthus, and one from Europe, Aeacus. And these, when they are dead, shall give judgment in the meadow at the parting of the ways, whence the two roads lead, one to the Islands of the Blessed, and the other to Tartarus. Rhadamanthus shall judge those who come from Asia, and Aeacus those who come from Europe. And to Minos I shall give the primacy, and he shall hold a court of appeal, in case either of the two others are in any doubt; then the judgment respecting the last journey of men will be as just as possible.
From this tale, Callicles, which I have heard and believe, I draw the following inferences;
Death, if I am right, is in the first place the separation from one another of two things, soul and body; nothing else.
And after they are separated they retain their several natures, as in life; the body keeps the same habit, and the results of treatment or accident are distinctly visible in it: for example, he who by nature or training or both, was a tall man while he was alive, will remain as he was, after he is dead; and the fat man will remain fat; and so on; and the dead man, who in life had a fancy to have flowing hair, will have flowing hair.
And if he was marked with the whip and had the prints of the scourge, or of wounds in him when he was alive, you might see the same in the dead body; and if his limbs were broken or misshapen when he was alive, the same appearance would be visible in the dead. And in a word, whatever was the habit of the body during life would be distinguishable after death, either perfectly, or in a great measure and for a certain time.
And I should imagine that this is equally true of the soul, Callicles; when a man is stripped of the body, all the natural or acquired affections of the soul are laid open to view. And when they come to the judge, as those from Asia come to Rhadamanthus, he places them near him and inspects them quite impartially, not knowing whose the soul is: perhaps he may lay hands on the soul of the great king, or of some other king or potentate, who has no soundness in him, but his soul is marked with the whip, and is full of the prints and scars of perjuries and crimes with which each action has stained him, and he is all crooked with falsehood and imposture, and has no straightness, because he has lived without truth. Him Rhadamanthus beholds, full of all deformity and disproportion, which is caused by license and luxury and insolence and incontinence, and dispatches him ignominiously to his prison, and there he undergoes the punishment which he deserves.
Now the proper office of punishment is twofold: he who is rightly punished ought either to become better and profit by it, or he ought to be made an example to his fellows, that they may see what he suffers, and fear and become better. Those who are improved when they are punished by Gods and men, are those whose sins are curable; and they are improved, as in this world so also in another, by pain and suffering; for there is no other way in which they can be delivered from their evil.
But they who have been guilty of the worst crimes, and are incurable by reason of their crimes, are made examples; for, as they are incurable, the time has passed at which they can receive any benefit. They get no good themselves, but others get good when they behold them enduring forever the most terrible and painful and fearful sufferings as the penalty of their sins; there they are, hanging up as examples, in the prison house of the world below, a spectacle and a warning to all unrighteous men who come thither.
And among them, as I confidently affirm, will be found Archelaus, if Polus truly reports of him, and any other tyrant who is like him. Of these fearful examples, most, as I believe, are taken from the class of tyrants and kings and potentates and public men, for they are the authors of the greatest and most impious crimes, because they have the power.
And Homer witnesses to the truth of this; for they are always kings and potentates whom he has described as suffering everlasting punishment in the world below: such were Tantalus and Sisyphus and Tityus. But no one ever described Thersites, or any private person who was a villain, as suffering everlasting punishment, or as incurable. For to commit the worst crimes, as I am inclined to think, was not in his power, and he was happier than those who had the power.
No, Callicles, the very bad men come from the class of those who have power. And yet in that very class there may arise good men, and worthy of all admiration they are, for where there is great power to do wrong, to live and to die justly is a hard thing, and greatly to be praised, and few there are who attain to this.
Such good and true men, however, there have been, and will be again, at Athens and in other states, who have fulfilled their trust righteously; and there is one who is quite famous all over Hellas, Aristeides, the son of Lysimachus.
But, in general, great men are also bad, my friend.
As I was saying, Rhadamanthus, when he gets a soul of the bad kind, knows nothing about him, neither who he is, nor who his parents are; he knows only that he has got hold of a villain; and seeing this, he stamps him as curable or incurable, and sends him away to Tartarus, whither he goes and receives his proper recompense.
Or, again, he looks with admiration on the soul of some just one who has lived in holiness and truth; he may have been a private man or not; and I should say, Callicles, that he is most likely to have been a philosopher who has done his own work, and not troubled himself with the doings of other in his lifetime; him Rhadamanthus sends to the Islands of the Blessed.
Aeacus does the same; and they both have scepters, and judge; but Minos alone has a golden scepter and is seated looking on, as Odysseus in Homer declares that he saw him: Holding a scepter of gold, and giving laws to the dead. Now I, Callicles, am persuaded of the truth of these things, and I consider how I shall present my soul whole and undefiled before the judge in that day.
Renouncing the honors at which the world aims, I desire only to know the truth, and to live as well as I can, and, when I die, to die as well as I can.
And, to the utmost of my power, I exhort all other men to do the same. And, in return for your exhortation of me, I exhort you also to take part in the great combat, which is the combat of life, and greater than every other earthly conflict. And I retort your reproach of me, and say, that you will not be able to help yourself when the day of trial and judgment, of which I was speaking, comes upon you; you will go before the judge, the son of Aegina, and, when he has got you in his grip and is carrying you off, you will gape and your head will swim round, just as mine would in the courts of this world, and very likely someone will shamefully box you on the ears, and put upon you any sort of insult.
Perhaps this may appear to you to be only an old wife’s tale, which you will contemn. And there might be reason in your contemning such tales, if by searching we could find out anything better or truer: but now you see that you and Polus and Gorgias, who are the three wisest of the Greeks of our day, are not able to show that we ought to live any life which does not profit in another world as well as in this.
And of all that has been said, nothing remains unshaken but the saying, that to do injustice is more to be avoided than to suffer injustice, and that the reality and not the appearance of virtue is to be followed above all things, as well in public as in private life; and that when anyone has been wrong in anything, he is to be chastised, and that the next best thing to a man being just is that he should become just, and be chastised and punished; also that he should avoid all flattery of himself as well as of others, of the few or of the many: and rhetoric and any other art should be used by him, and all his actions should be done always, with a view to justice.
Follow me then, and I will lead you where you will be happy in life and after death, as the argument shows. And never mind if someone despises you as a fool, and insults you, if he has a mind; let him strike you, by Zeus, and do you be of good cheer, and do not mind the insulting blow, for you will never come to any harm in the practice of virtue, if you really are a good and true man.
When we have practiced virtue together, we will apply ourselves to politics, if that seems desirable, or we will advise about whatever else may seem good to us, for we shall be better able to judge then. In our present condition we ought not to give ourselves airs, for even on the most important subjects we are always changing our minds; so utterly stupid we are!
Let us, then, take the argument as our guide, which has revealed to us that the best way of life is to practice justice and every virtue in life and death. This way let us go; and in this exhort all men to follow, not in the way to which you trust and in which you exhort me to follow you; for that way, Callicles, is nothing worth!
The Socratic Method (Plato)
Critias (Plato)
Timaeus: How thankful I am, Socrates, that I have arrived at last, and, like a weary traveler after a long journey, may be at rest! And I pray the being who always was of old, and has now been by me revealed, to grant that my words may endure in so far as they have been spoken truly and acceptably to him;
but if unintentionally I have said anything wrong, I pray that he will impose upon me a just retribution, and the just retribution of him who errs is that he should be set right.
Wishing, then, to speak truly in future concerning the generation of the Gods, I pray to him to give me knowledge, which of all medicines is the most perfect and best.
And now having offered my prayer I deliver up the argument to Critias, who is to speak next according to our agreement.
Critias: And I, Timaeus, accept the trust, and as you at first said that you were going to speak of high matters, and begged that some forbearance might be shown to you, I too ask the same or greater forbearance for what I am about to say. And although I very well know that my request may appear to be somewhat and discourteous, I must make it nevertheless. For will any man of sense deny that you have spoken well? I can only attempt to show that I ought to have more indulgence than you, because my theme is more difficult;
and I shall argue that to seem to speak well of the Gods to men is far easier than to speak well of men to men:
for the inexperience and utter ignorance of his hearers about any subject is a great assistance to him who has to speak of it, and we know how ignorant we are concerning the Gods.
But I should like to make my meaning clearer, if Timaeus, you will follow me. All that is said by any of us can only be imitation and representation. For if we consider the likenesses which painters make of bodies divine and heavenly, and the different degrees of gratification with which the eye of the spectator receives them, we shall see that we are satisfied with the artist who is able in any degree to imitate the earth and its mountains, and the rivers, and the woods, and the universe, and the things that are and move therein, and further, that knowing nothing precise about such matters, we do not examine or analyze the painting; all that is required is a sort of indistinct and deceptive mode of shadowing them forth.
But when a person endeavors to paint the human form we are quick at finding out defects, and our familiar knowledge makes us severe judges of anyone who does not render every point of similarity.
And we may observe the same thing to happen in discourse; we are satisfied with a picture of divine and heavenly things which has very little likeness to them; but we are more precise in our criticism of mortal and human things. Wherefore if at the moment of speaking I cannot suitably express my meaning, you must excuse me, considering that to form approved likenesses of human things is the reverse of easy.
This is what I want to suggest to you, and at the same time to beg, Socrates, that I may have not less, but more indulgence conceded to me in what I am about to say. Which favor, if I am right in asking, I hope that you will be ready to grant.
Socrates: Certainly, Critias, we will grant your request, and we will grant the same by anticipation to Hermocrates, as well as to you and Timaeus; for I have no doubt that when his turn comes a little while hence, he will make the same request which you have made. In order, then, that he may provide himself with a fresh beginning, and not be compelled to say the same things over again, let him understand that the indulgence is already extended by anticipation to him. And now, friend Critias, I will announce to you the judgment of the theatre. They are of opinion that the last performer was wonderfully successful, and that you will need a great deal of indulgence before you will be able to take his place.
Hermocrates: The warning, Socrates, which you have addressed to him, I must also take to myself.
But remember, Critias, that faint heart never yet raised a trophy; and therefore, you must go and attack the argument like a man.
First invoke Apollo and the Muses, and then let us hear you sound the praises and show forth the virtues of your ancient citizens.
Critias: Friend Hermocrates, you, who are stationed last and have another in front of you, have not lost heart as yet; the gravity of the situation will soon be revealed to you; meanwhile I accept your exhortations and encouragements. But besides the Gods and Goddesses whom you have mentioned, I would specially invoke Mnemosyne; for all the important part of my discourse is dependent on her favor, and if I can recollect and recite enough of what was said by the priests and brought hither by Solon, I doubt not that I shall satisfy the requirements of this theatre. And now, making no more excuses, I will proceed.
Let me begin by observing first of all, that nine thousand was the sum of years which had elapsed since the war which was said to have taken place between those who dwelt outside the Pillars of Heracles and all who dwelt within them; this war I am going to describe. Of the combatants on the one side, the city of Athens was reported to have been the leader and to have fought out the war; the combatants on the other side were commanded by the kings of Atlantis, which, as was saying, was an island greater in extent than Libya and Asia, and when afterwards sunk by an earthquake, became an impassable barrier of mud to voyagers sailing from hence to any part of the ocean. The progress of the history will unfold the various nations of barbarians and families of Hellenes which then existed, as they successively appear on the scene; but I must describe first of all Athenians of that day, and their enemies who fought with them, and then the respective powers and governments of the two kingdoms.
Let us give the precedence to Athens. In the days of old the Gods had the whole earth distributed among them by allotment. There was no quarrelling; for you cannot rightly suppose that the Gods did not know what was proper for each of them to have, or, knowing this, that they would seek to procure for themselves by contention that which more properly belonged to others.
All of them by just apportionment obtained what they wanted, and peopled their own districts; and when they had peopled them they tended us, their nurslings and possessions, as shepherds tend their flocks, excepting only that they did not use blows or bodily force, as shepherds do, but governed us like pilots from the stern of the vessel, which is an easy way of guiding animals, holding our souls by the rudder of persuasion according to their own pleasure;-thus did they guide all mortal creatures. Now different Gods had their allotments in different places which they set in order.
Hephaestus and Athene, who were brother and sister, and sprang from the same father, having a common nature, and being united also in the love of philosophy and art, both obtained as their common portion this land, which was naturally adapted for wisdom and virtue; and there they implanted brave children of the soil, and put into their minds the order of government; their names are preserved, but their actions have disappeared by reason of the destruction of those who received the tradition, and the lapse of ages.
For when there were any survivors, as I have already said, they were men who dwelt in the mountains; and they were ignorant of the art of writing, and had heard only the names of the chiefs of the land, but very little about their actions.
The names they were willing enough to give to their children; but the virtues and the laws of their predecessors, they knew only by obscure traditions; and as they themselves and their children lacked for many generations the necessaries of life, they directed their attention to the supply of their wants, and of them they conversed, to the neglect of events that had happened in times long past; for mythology and the enquiry into antiquity are first introduced into cities when they begin to have leisure, and when they see that the necessaries of life have already been provided, but not before.
And this is reason why the names of the ancients have been preserved to us and not their actions. This I infer because Solon said that the priests in their narrative of that war mentioned most of the names which are recorded prior to the time of Theseus, such as Cecrops, and Erechtheus, and Erichthonius, and Erysichthon, and the names of the women in like manner. Moreover, since military pursuits were then common to men and women, the men of those days in accordance with the custom of the time set up a figure and image of the Goddess in full armor, to be a testimony that all animals which associate together, male as well as female, may, if they please, practice in common the virtue which belongs to them without distinction of sex.
Now the country was inhabited in those days by various classes of citizens; -there were artisans, and there were husbandmen, and there was also a warrior class originally set apart by divine men.
The latter dwelt by themselves, and had all things suitable for nurture and education; neither had any of them anything of their own, but they regarded all that they had as common property; nor did they claim to receive of the other citizens anything more than their necessary food. And they practiced all the pursuits which we yesterday described as those of our imaginary guardians. Concerning the country the Egyptian priests said what is not only probable but manifestly true, that the boundaries were in those days fixed by the Isthmus, and that in the direction of the continent they extended as far as the heights of Cithaeron and Parnes; the boundary line came down in the direction of the sea, having the district of Oropus on the right, and with the river Asopus as the limit on the left. The land was the best in the world, and was therefore able in those days to support a vast army, raised from the surrounding people. Even the remnant of Attica which now exists may compare with any region in the world for the variety and excellence of its fruits and the suitableness of its pastures to every sort of animal, which proves what I am saying; but in those days the country was fair as now and yielded far more abundant produce. How shall I establish my words? And what part of it can be truly called a remnant of the land that then was? The whole country is only a long promontory extending far into the sea away from the rest of the continent, while the surrounding basin of the sea is everywhere deep in the neighborhood of the shore.
Many great deluges have taken place during the nine thousand years, for that is the number of years which have elapsed since the time of which I am speaking; and during all this time and through so many changes, there has never been any considerable accumulation of the soil coming down from the mountains, as in other places, but the earth has fallen away all round and sunk out of sight. The consequence is, that in comparison of what then was, there are remaining only the bones of the wasted body, as they may be called, as in the case of small islands, all the richer and softer parts of the soil having fallen away, and the mere skeleton of the land being left.
But in the primitive state of the country, its mountains were high hills covered with soil, and the plains, as they are termed by us, of Phelleus were full of rich earth, and there was abundance of wood in the mountains. Of this last the traces still remain, for although some of the mountains now only afford sustenance to bees, not so very long ago there were still to be seen roofs of timber cut from trees growing there, which were of a size sufficient to cover the largest houses; and there were many other high trees, cultivated by man and bearing abundance of food for cattle. Moreover, the land reaped the benefit of the annual rainfall, not as now losing the water which flows off the bare earth into the sea, but, having an abundant supply in all places, and receiving it into herself and treasuring it up in the close clay soil, it let off into the hollows the streams which it absorbed from the heights, providing everywhere abundant fountains and rivers, of which there may still be observed sacred memorials in places where fountains once existed; and this proves the truth of what I am saying.
Such was the natural state of the country, which was cultivated, as we may well believe, by true husbandmen, who made husbandry their business, and were lovers of honor, and of a noble nature, and had a soil the best in the world, and abundance of water, and in the heaven above an excellently comfortable climate.
Now the city in those days was arranged on this wise. In the first place the Acropolis was not as now.
For the fact is that a single night of excessive rain washed away the earth and laid bare the rock; at the same time there were earthquakes, and then occurred the extraordinary inundation, which was the third before the great destruction of Deucalion. But in primitive times the hill of the Acropolis extended to the Eridanus and Ilissus, and included the Pnyx on one side, and the Lycabettus as a boundary on the opposite side to the Pnyx, and was all well covered with soil, and level at the top, except in one or two places. Outside the Acropolis and under the sides of the hill there dwelt artisans, and such of the husbandmen as were tilling the ground near; the warrior class dwelt by themselves around the temples of Athene and Hephaestus at the summit, which moreover they had enclosed with a single fence like the garden of a single house. On the north side they had dwellings in common and had erected halls for dining in winter, and had all the buildings which they needed for their common life, besides temples, but there was no adorning of them with gold and silver, for they made no use of these for any purpose; they took a middle course between meanness and ostentation, and built modest houses in which they and their children’s children grew old, and they handed them down to others who were like themselves, always the same.
But in summer-time they left their gardens and gymnasia and dining halls, and then the southern side of the hill was made use of by them for the same purpose. Where the Acropolis now is there was a fountain, which was choked by the earthquake, and has left only the few small streams which still exist in the vicinity, but in those days the fountain gave an abundant supply of water for all and of suitable temperature in summer and in winter. This is how they dwelt, being the guardians of their own citizens and the leaders of the Hellenes, who were their willing followers. And they took care to preserve the same number of men and women through all time, being so many as were required for warlike purposes, then as now-that is to say, about twenty thousand.
Such were the ancient Athenians, and after this manner they righteously administered their own land and the rest of Hellas; they were renowned all over Europe and Asia for the beauty of their persons and for the many virtues of their souls, and of all men who lived in those days they were the most illustrious. And next, if I have not forgotten what I heard when I was a child, I will impart to you the character and origin of their adversaries.
For friends should not keep their stories to themselves, but have them in common.
Yet, before proceeding further in the narrative, I ought to warn you, that you must not be surprised if you should perhaps hear Hellenic names given to foreigners.
I will tell you the reason of this: Solon, who was intending to use the tale for his poem, enquired into the meaning of the names, and found that the early Egyptians in writing them down had translated them into their own language, and he recovered the meaning of the several names and when copying them out again translated them into our language. My great-grandfather, Dropides, had the original writing, which is still in my possession, and was carefully studied by me when I was a child. Therefore, if you hear names such as are used in this country, you must not be surprised, for I have told how they came to be introduced. The tale, which was of great length, began as follows:- I have before remarked in speaking of the allotments of the Gods, that they distributed the whole earth into portions differing in extent, and made for themselves temples and instituted sacrifices.
And Poseidon, receiving for his lot the island of Atlantis, begat children by a mortal woman, and settled them in a part of the island, which I will describe. Looking towards the sea, but in the center of the whole island, there was a plain which is said to have been the fairest of all plains and very fertile. Near the plain again, and also in the center of the island at a distance of about fifty stadia, there was a mountain not very high on any side. In this mountain there dwelt one of the earth born primeval men of that country, whose name was Evenor, and he had a wife named Leucippe, and they had an only daughter who was called Cleito.
The maiden had already reached womanhood, when her father and mother died; Poseidon fell in love with her and had intercourse with her, and breaking the ground, enclosed the hill in which she dwelt all round, making alternate zones of sea and land larger and smaller, encircling one another; there were two of land and three of water, which he turned as with a lathe, each having its circumference equidistant every way from the center, so that no man could get to the island, for ships and voyages were not as yet.
He himself, being a God, found no difficulty in making special arrangements for the center island, bringing up two springs of water from beneath the earth, one of warm water and the other of cold, and making every variety of food to spring up abundantly from the soil. He also begat and brought up five pairs of twin male children; and dividing the island of Atlantis into ten portions, he gave to the first-born of the eldest pair his mother’s dwelling and the surrounding allotment, which was the largest and best, and made him king over the rest; the others he made princes, and gave them rule over many men, and a large territory.
And he named them all; the eldest, who was the first king, he named Atlas, and after him the whole island and the ocean were called Atlantic.
To his twin brother, who was born after him, and obtained as his lot the extremity of the island towards the Pillars of Heracles, facing the country which is now called the region of Gades in that part of the world, he gave the name which in the Hellenic language is Eumelus, in the language of the country which is named after him, Gadeirus.
Of the second pair of twins he called one Ampheres, and the other Evaemon. To the elder of the third pair of twins he gave the name Mneseus, and Autochthon to the one who followed him. Of the fourth pair of twins he called the elder Elasippus, and the younger Mestor. And of the fifth pair he gave to the elder the name of Azaes, and to the younger that of Diaprepes.
All these and their descendants for many generations were the inhabitants and rulers of divers’ islands in the open sea; and also, as has been already said, they held sway in our direction over the country within the Pillars as far as Egypt and Tyrrhenia.
Now Atlas had a large and honorable family, and they retained the kingdom, the eldest son handing it on to his eldest for many generations; and they had such an amount of wealth as was never before possessed by kings and potentates, and is not likely ever to be again, and they were furnished with everything which they needed, both in the city and country.
For because of the greatness of their empire many things were brought to them from foreign countries, and the island itself provided most of what was required by them for the uses of life.
In the first place, they dug out of the earth whatever was to be found there, solid as well as liquid, and that which is now only a name and was then something more than a name, orichalcum, was dug out of the earth in many parts of the island, being more precious in those days than anything except gold.
There was an abundance of wood for carpenter’s work, and sufficient maintenance for tame and wild animals. Moreover, there were a great number of elephants in the island; for as there was provision for all other sorts of animals, both for those which live in lakes and marshes and rivers, and also for those which live in mountains and on plains, so there was for the animal which is the largest and most voracious of all. Also whatever fragrant things there now are in the earth, whether roots, or herbage, or woods, or essences which distil from fruit and flower, grew and thrived in that land; also the fruit which admits of cultivation, both the dry sort, which is given us for nourishment and any other which we use for food-we call them all by the common name pulse, and the fruits having a hard rind, affording drinks and meats and ointments, and good store of chestnuts and the like, which furnish pleasure and amusement, and are fruits which spoil with keeping, and the pleasant kinds of dessert, with which we console ourselves after dinner, when we are tired of eating-all these that sacred island which then beheld the light of the sun, brought forth fair and wondrous and in infinite abundance. With such blessings the earth freely furnished them; meanwhile they went on constructing their temples and palaces and harbors and docks.
And they arranged the whole country in the following manner:
First; they bridged over the zones of sea which surrounded the ancient metropolis, making a road to and from the royal palace. And at the very beginning they built the palace in the habitation of the God and of their ancestors, which they continued to ornament in successive generations, every king surpassing the one who went before him to the utmost of his power, until they made the building a marvel to behold for size and for beauty. And beginning from the sea they bored a canal of three hundred feet in width and one hundred feet in depth and fifty stadia in length, which they carried through to the outermost zone, making a passage from the sea up to this, which became a harbour, and leaving an opening sufficient to enable the largest vessels to find ingress. Moreover, they divided at the bridges the zones of land which parted the zones of sea, leaving room for a single trireme to pass out of one zone into another, and they covered over the channels so as to leave a way underneath for the ships; for the banks were raised considerably above the water. Now the largest of the zones into which a passage was cut from the sea was three stadia in breadth, and the zone of land which came next of equal breadth; but the next two zones, the one of water, the other of land, were two stadia, and the one which surrounded the central island was a stadium only in width. The island in which the palace was situated had a diameter of five stadia. All this including the zones and the bridge, which was the sixth part of a stadium in width, they surrounded by a stone wall on every side, placing towers and gates on the bridges where the sea passed in. The stone which was used in the work they quarried from underneath the center island, and from underneath the zones, on the outer as well as the inner side. One kind was white, another black, and a third red, and as they quarried, they at the same time hollowed out double docks, having roofs formed out of the native rock. Some of their buildings were simple, but in others they put together different stones, varying the color to please the eye, and to be a natural source of delight. The entire circuit of the wall, which went around the outermost zone, they covered with a coating of brass, and the circuit of the next wall they coated with tin, and the third, which encompassed the citadel, flashed with the red light of orichalcum.
The palaces in the interior of the citadel were constructed on this wise:-in the center was a holy temple dedicated to Cleito and Poseidon, which remained inaccessible, and was surrounded by an enclosure of gold; this was the spot where the family of the ten princes first saw the light, and thither the people annually brought the fruits of the earth in their season from all the ten portions, to be an offering to each of the ten. Here was Poseidon’s own temple which was a stadium in length, and half a stadium in width, and of a proportionate height, having a strange barbaric appearance. All the outside of the temple, with the exception of the pinnacles, they covered with silver, and the pinnacles with gold. In the interior of the temple the roof was of ivory, curiously wrought everywhere with gold and silver and orichalcum; and all the other parts, the walls and pillars and floor, they coated with orichalcum. In the temple they placed statues of gold: there was the God himself standing in a chariot-the charioteer of six winged horses-and of such a size that he touched the roof of the building with his head; around him there were a hundred Nereids riding on dolphins, for such was thought to be the number of them by the men of those days. There were also in the interior of the temple other images which had been dedicated by private persons. And around the temple on the outside were placed statues of gold of all the descendants of the ten kings and of their wives, and there were many other great offerings of kings and of private persons, coming both from the city itself and from the foreign cities over which they held sway. There was an altar too, which in size and workmanship corresponded to this magnificence, and the palaces, in like manner, answered to the greatness of the kingdom and the glory of the temple.
In the next place, they had fountains, one of cold and another of hot water, in gracious plenty flowing; and they were wonderfully adapted for use by reason of the pleasantness and excellence of their waters. They constructed buildings about them and planted suitable trees, also they made cisterns, some open to the heavens, others roofed over, to be used in winter as warm baths; there were the kings’ baths, and the baths of private persons, which were kept apart; and there were separate baths for women, and for horses and cattle, and to each of them they gave as much adornment as was suitable. Of the water which ran off they carried some to the grove of Poseidon, where were growing all manner of trees of wonderful height and beauty, owing to the excellence of the soil, while the remainder was conveyed by aqueducts along the bridges to the outer circles; and there were many temples built and dedicated to many Gods; also gardens and places of exercise, some for men, and others for horses in both of the two islands formed by the zones; and in the center of the larger of the two there was set apart a race-course of a stadium in width, and in length allowed to extend all-round the island, for horses to race in. Also; there were guardhouses at intervals for the guards, the more trusted of whom were appointed to keep watch in the lesser zone, which was nearer the Acropolis while the most trusted of all had houses given them within the citadel, near the persons of the kings. The docks were full of triremes and naval stores, and all things were quite ready for use. Enough of the plan of the royal palace.
Leaving the palace and passing out across the three you came to a wall which began at the sea and went all round: this was everywhere distant fifty stadia from the largest zone or harbor, and enclosed the whole, the ends meeting at the mouth of the channel which led to the sea. The entire area was densely crowded with habitations; and the canal and the largest of the harbors were full of vessels and merchants coming from all parts, who, from their numbers, kept up a multitudinous sound of human voices, and din and clatter of all sorts night and day. I have described the city and the environs of the ancient palace nearly in the words of Solon, and now I must endeavor to represent the nature and arrangement of the rest of the land. The whole country was said by him to be very lofty and precipitous on the side of the sea, but the country immediately about and surrounding the city was a level plain, itself surrounded by mountains which descended towards the sea; it was smooth and even, and of an oblong shape, extending in one direction three thousand stadia, but across the center inland it was two thousand stadia. This part of the island looked towards the south, and was sheltered from the north. The surrounding mountains were celebrated for their number and size and beauty, far beyond any which still exist, having in them also many wealthy villages of country folk, and rivers, and lakes, and meadows supplying food enough for every animal, wild or tame, and much wood of various sorts, abundant for each and every kind of work.
I will now describe the plain, as it was fashioned by nature and by the labors of many generations of kings through long ages. It was for the most part rectangular and oblong, and where falling out of the straight line followed the circular ditch. The depth, and width, and length of this ditch were incredible, and gave the impression that a work of such extent, in addition to so many others, could never have been artificial.
Nevertheless; I must say what I was told. It was excavated to the depth of a hundred, feet, and its breadth was a stadium everywhere; it was carried round the whole of the plain, and was ten thousand stadia in length. It received the streams which came down from the mountains, and winding round the plain and meeting at the city, was there let off into the sea. Further inland, likewise, straight canals of a hundred feet in width were cut from it through the plain, and again let off into the ditch leading to the sea: these canals were at intervals of a hundred stadia, and by them they brought down the wood from the mountains to the city, and conveyed the fruits of the earth in ships, cutting transverse passages from one canal into another, and to the city. Twice in the year they gathered the fruits of the earth-in winter having the benefit of the rains of heaven, and in summer the water which the land supplied by introducing streams from the canals. As to the population, each of the lots in the plain had to find a leader for the men who were fit for military service, and the size of a lot was a square of ten stadia each way, and the total number of all the lots was sixty thousand. And of the inhabitants of the mountains and of the rest of the country there was also a vast multitude, which was distributed among the lots and had leaders assigned to them according to their districts and villages. The leader was required to furnish for the war the sixth portion of a war-chariot, so as to make up a total of ten thousand chariots; also two horses and riders for them, and a pair of chariot-horses without a seat, accompanied by a horseman who could fight on foot carrying a small shield, and having a charioteer who stood behind the man-at-arms to guide the two horses; also, he was bound to furnish two heavy armed soldiers, two slingers, three stone-shooters and three javelin-men, who were light-armed, and four sailors to make up the complement of twelve hundred ships. Such was the military order of the royal city-the order of the other nine governments varied, and it would be wearisome to recount their several differences.
As to offices and honors, the following was the arrangement from the first.
Each of the ten kings in his own division and in his own city had the absolute control of the citizens, and, in most cases, of the laws, punishing and slaying whomsoever he would. Now the order of precedence among them and their mutual relations were regulated by the commands of Poseidon which the law had handed down. These were inscribed by the first kings on a pillar of orichalcum, which was situated in the middle of the island, at the temple of Poseidon, whither the kings were gathered together every fifth and every sixth year alternately, thus giving equal honor to the odd and to the even number.
And when they were gathered together they consulted about their common interests, and enquired if anyone had transgressed in anything and passed judgment and before they passed judgment they gave their pledges to one another on this wise:
There were bulls who had the range of the temple of Poseidon; and the ten kings, being left alone in the temple, after they had offered prayers to the God that they might capture the victim which was acceptable to him, hunted the bulls, without weapons but with staves and nooses; and the bull which they caught they led up to the pillar and cut its throat over the top of it so that the blood fell upon the sacred inscription.
Now on the pillar, besides the laws, there was inscribed an oath invoking mighty curses on the disobedient.
When therefore, after slaying the bull in the accustomed manner, they had burnt its limbs, they filled a bowl of wine and cast in a clot of blood for each of them; the rest of the victim they put in the fire, after having purified the column all round.
Then they drew from the bowl in golden cups and pouring a libation on the fire, they swore that they would judge according to the laws on the pillar, and would punish him who in any point had already transgressed them, and that for the future they would not, if they could help, offend against the writing on the pillar, and would neither command others, nor obey any ruler who commanded them, to act otherwise than according to the laws of their father Poseidon.
This was the prayer which each of them offered up for himself and for his descendants, at the same time drinking and dedicating the cup out of which he drank in the temple of the God; and after they had supped and satisfied their needs, when darkness came on, and the fire about the sacrifice was cool, all of them put on most beautiful azure robes, and, sitting on the ground, at night, over the embers of the sacrifices by which they had sworn, and extinguishing all the fire about the temple, they received and gave judgment, if any of them had an accusation to bring against any one; at daybreak they wrote down their sentences on a golden tablet, and dedicated it together with their robes to be a memorial.
There were many special laws affecting the several kings inscribed about the temples, but the most important was the following:
They were not to take up arms against one another, and they were all to come to the rescue if any one in any of their cities attempted to overthrow the royal house; like their ancestors, they were to deliberate in common about war and other matters, giving the supremacy to the descendants of Atlas. And the king was not to have the power of life and death over any of his kinsmen unless he had the assent of the majority of the ten.
Such was the vast power which the God settled in the lost island of Atlantis; and this he afterwards directed against our land for the following reasons, as tradition tells:
For many generations, as long as the divine nature lasted in them, they were obedient to the laws, and well-affectioned towards the God, whose seed they were; for they possessed true and in every way great spirits, uniting gentleness with wisdom in the various chances of life, and in their intercourse with one another.
They despised everything but virtue, caring little for their present state of life, and thinking lightly of the possession of gold and other property, which seemed only a burden to them; neither were they intoxicated by luxury; nor did wealth deprive them of their self-control; but they were sober, and saw clearly that all these goods are increased by virtue and friendship with one another.
By such reflections and by the continuance in them of a divine nature, the qualities which we have described grew and increased among them; but when the divine portion began to fade away, and became diluted too often and too much with the mortal admixture, and the human nature got the upper hand, they then, being unable to bear their fortune, behaved unseemly, and to him who had an eye to see grew visibly debased, for they were losing the fairest of their precious gifts; but to those who had no eye to see the true happiness, they appeared glorious and blessed at the very time when they were full of avarice and unrighteous power.
Zeus, the God of Gods, who rules according to law, and is able to see into such things, perceiving that an honorable race was in a woeful plight, and wanting to inflict punishment on them, that they might be chastened and improve, collected all the gods into their most holy habitation, which, being placed in the center of the world, beholds all created things. And when he had called them together, he spake as follows…
***This leads into Plato’s next work – “Laws”***
Phaedrus Pt. 4 (Plato)
Phaedrus: I join in the prayer, Socrates, and say with you, if this be for my good, may your words come to pass. But why did you make your second oration so much finer than the first? I wonder why. And I begin to be afraid that I shall lose conceit of Lysias, and that he will appear tame in comparison, even if he be willing to put another as fine and as long as yours into the field, which I doubt. For quite lately one of your politicians was abusing him on this very account; and called him a ‘speech–writer’ again and again. So that a feeling of pride may probably induce him to give up writing speeches.
Socrates: What a very amusing notion! But I think, my young man, that you are much mistaken in your friend if you imagine that he is frightened at a little noise; and, possibly, you think that his assailant was in earnest?
Phaedrus: I thought, Socrates, that he was. And you are aware that the greatest and most influential statesmen are ashamed of writing speeches and leaving them in a written form, lest they should be called Sophists by posterity.
Socrates: You seem to be unconscious, Phaedrus, that the ‘sweet elbow’ of the proverb is really the long arm of the Nile. And you appear to be equally unaware of the fact that this sweet elbow of theirs is also a long arm.
For there is nothing of which our great politicians are so fond as of writing speeches and bequeathing them to posterity.
And they add their admirers’ names at the top of the writing, out of gratitude to them.
Phaedrus. What do you mean? I do not understand. Socrates.
Socrates: Why, do you not know that when a politician writes, he begins with the names of his approvers?
Phaedrus: How so?
Socrates: Why, he begins in this manner: ‘Be it enacted by the senate, the people, or both, on the motion of a certain person,’ who is our author; and so putting on a serious face, he proceeds to display his own wisdom to his admirers in what is often a long and tedious composition. Now what is that sort of thing but a regular piece of authorship?
Phaedrus: True.
Socrates: And if the law is finally approved, then the author leaves the theatre in high delight; but if the law is rejected and he is done out of his speech–making, and not thought good enough to write, then he and his party are in mourning.
Phaedrus: Very true.
Socrates: So far are they from despising, or rather so highly do they value the practice of writing.
Phaedrus: No doubt.
Socrates: They become like Gods. And when the king or orator has the power, as Lycurgus or Solon or Darius had, of attaining an immortality of authorship in a state, is he not thought by posterity, when they see his compositions, and does he not think himself, while he is yet alive, to be a God?
Phaedrus: Very true.
Socrates: Then do you think that any one of this class, however ill–disposed, would reproach Lysias with being an author?
Phaedrus: Not upon your view; for according to you he would be casting a slur upon his own favorite pursuit.
Socrates: Any one may see that there is no disgrace in the mere fact of writing.
Phaedrus: Certainly not.
Socrates: The disgrace begins when a man writes not well, but badly.
Phaedrus: Clearly.
Socrates: And what is well and what is badly—need we ask Lysias, or any other poet or orator, whoever wrote or will write either a political or any other work, in meter or out of meter, poet or prose writer, to teach us this?Need we?
For what should a man live if not for the pleasures of discourse?
Surely not for the sake of bodily pleasures, which almost always have previous pain as a condition of them, and therefore are rightly called slavish.
There is time enough. And I believe that the grasshoppers chirruping after their manner in the heat of the sun over our heads are talking to one another and looking down at us. What would they say if they saw that we, like the many, are not conversing, but slumbering at mid–day, lulled by their voices, too indolent to think? Would they not have a right to laugh at us? They might imagine that we were slaves, who, coming to rest at a place of resort of theirs, like sheep lie asleep at noon around the well. But if they see us discoursing, and like Odysseus sailing past them, deaf to their siren voices, they may perhaps, out of respect, give us of the gifts which they receive from the Gods that they may impart them to men.
Phaedrus: What gifts do you mean? I never heard of any.
Socrates: The grasshoppers were originally men who died from the love of song. A lover of music like yourself ought surely to have heard the story of the grasshoppers, who are said to have been human beings in an age before the Muses. And when the Muses came and song appeared they were ravished with delight; and singing always, never thought of eating and drinking, until at last in their forgetfulness they died. And now they live again in the grasshoppers; and this is the return which the Muses make to them—they neither hunger, nor thirst, but from the hour of their birth are always singing, and never eating or drinking; and when they die they go and inform the Muses in heaven who honours them on earth. They win the love of Terpsichore for the dancers by their report of them; of Erato for the lovers, and of the other Muses for those who do them honour, according to the several ways of honouring them;—of Calliope the eldest Muse and of Urania who is next to her, for the philosophers, of whose music the grasshoppers make report to them; for these are the Muses who are chiefly concerned with heaven and thought, divine as well as human, and they have the sweetest utterance. For many reasons, then, we ought always to talk and not to sleep at mid–day.
Phaedrus: Let us talk.
Socrates: Shall we discuss the rules of writing and speech as we were proposing?
Phaedrus: Very good.
Socrates. In good speaking should not the mind of the speaker know the truth of the matter about which he is going to speak?
Phaedrus: And yet, Socrates, I have heard that he who would be an orator has nothing to do with true justice, but only with that which is likely to be approved by the many who sit in judgment; nor with the truly good or honourable, but only with opinion about them, and that from opinion comes persuasion, and not from the truth.
Socrates: The words of the wise are not to be set aside; for there is probably something in them; and therefore, the meaning of this saying is not hastily to be dismissed.
Phaedrus: Very true.
Socrates: Let us put the matter thus:—Suppose that I persuaded you to buy a horse and go to the wars. Neither of us knew what a horse was like, but I knew that you believed a horse to be of tame animals the one which has the longest ears.
Phaedrus: That would be ridiculous.
Socrates: There is something more ridiculous coming:
—Suppose, further, that in sober earnest I, having persuaded you of this, went and composed a speech in honour of an ass, whom I entitled a horse, beginning:
‘A noble animal and a most useful possession, especially in war, and you may get on his back and fight, and he will carry baggage or anything’
Phaedrus: How ridiculous!
Socrates: Ridiculous! Yes; but is not even a ridiculous friend better that a cunning enemy?
Phaedrus: Certainly.
Socrates: And when the orator instead of putting an ass in the place of a horse, puts good for evil, being himself as ignorant of their true nature as the city on which he imposes is ignorant; and having studied the notions of the multitude, falsely persuades them not about ‘the shadow of an ass,’ which he confounds with a horse, but about good which he confounds with evil,—what will be the harvest which rhetoric will be likely to gather after the sowing of that seed?
Phaedrus: The reverse of good.
Socrates: But perhaps rhetoric has been getting too roughly handled by us, and she might answer;
What amazing nonsense you are talking! As if I forced any man to learn to speak in ignorance of the truth! Whatever my advice may be worth, I should have told him to arrive at the truth first, and then come to me. At the same time; I boldly assert that mere knowledge of the truth will not give you the art of persuasion.
Phaedrus: There is reason in the lady’s defense of herself.
Socrates: Quite true; if only the other arguments which remain to be brought up bear her witness that she is an art at all. But I seem to hear them arraying themselves on the opposite side, declaring that she speaks falsely, and that rhetoric is a mere routine and trick, not an art.
Lo! A Spartan appears, and says that there never is nor ever will be a real art of speaking which is divorced from the truth.
Phaedrus: And what are these arguments, Socrates? Bring them out that we may examine them.
Socrates: Come out, fair children, and convince Phaedrus, who is the father of similar beauties, that he will never be able to speak about anything as he ought to speak unless he have a knowledge of philosophy. And let Phaedrus answer you.
Phaedrus: Put the question.
Socrates: Is not rhetoric, taken generally, a universal art of enchanting the mind by arguments; which is practiced not only in courts and public assemblies, but in private houses also, having to do with all matters, great as well as small, good and bad alike, and is in all equally right, and equally to be esteemed—that is what you have heard?
Phaedrus: Nay, not exactly that; I should say rather that I have heard the art confined to speaking and writing in lawsuits, and to speaking in public assemblies—not extended farther.
Socrates: Then I suppose that you have only heard of the rhetoric of Nestor and Odysseus, which they composed in their leisure hours when at Troy, and never of the rhetoric of Palamedes?
Phaedrus: No more than of Nestor and Odysseus, unless Gorgias is your Nestor, and Thrasymachus or Theodorus your Odysseus.
Socrates: Perhaps that is my meaning. But let us leave them. And do you tell me, instead, what are plaintiff and defendant doing in a law–court—are they not contending?
Phaedrus: Exactly so.
Socrates: About the just and unjust—that is the matter in dispute?
Phaedrus: Yes.
Socrates: And a professor of the art will make the same thing appear to the same persons to be at one time just, at another time, if he is so inclined, to be unjust?
Phaedrus: Exactly.
Socrates: And when he speaks in the assembly, he will make the same things seem good to the city at one time, and at another time the reverse of good?
Phaedrus: That is true.
Socrates: Have we not heard of the Eleatic Palamedes (Zeno), who has an art of speaking by which he makes the same things appear to his hearers like and unlike, one and many, at rest and in motion?
Phaedrus: Very true.
Socrates: The art of disputation, then, is not confined to the courts and the assembly, but is one and the same in every use of language; this is the art, if there be such an art, which is able to find a likeness of everything to which a likeness can be found, and draws into the light of day the likenesses and disguises which are used by others?
Phaedrus: How do you mean?
Socrates: Let me put the matter thus: When will there be more chance of deception—when the difference is large or small?
Phaedrus: When the difference is small.
Socrates: And you will be less likely to be discovered in passing by degrees into the other extreme than when you go all at once?
Phaedrus: Of course.
Socrates: He, then, who would deceive others, and not be deceived, must exactly know the real likenesses and differences of things?
Phaedrus: He must.
Socrates: And if he is ignorant of the true nature of any subject, how can he detect the greater or less degree of likeness in other things to that of which by the hypothesis he is ignorant?
Phaedrus: He cannot.
Socrates: And when men are deceived, and their notions are at variance with realities, it is clear that the error slips in through resemblances?
Phaedrus: Yes, that is the way.
Socrates: Then he who would be a master of the art must understand the real nature of everything; or he will never know either how to make the gradual departure from truth into the opposite of truth which is affected by the help of resemblances, or how to avoid it?
Phaedrus: He will not.
Socrates: He then, who being ignorant of the truth aims at appearances, will only attain an art of rhetoric which is ridiculous and is not an art at all?
Phaedrus: That may be expected.
Socrates: Shall I propose that we look for examples of art and want of art, according to our notion of them, in the speech of Lysias which you have in your hand, and in my own speech?
Phaedrus: Nothing could be better; and indeed I think that our previous argument has been too abstract and wanting in illustrations.
Socrates: Yes; and the two speeches happen to afford a very good example of the way in which the speaker who knows the truth may, without any serious purpose, steal away the hearts of his hearers. This piece of good–fortune I attribute to the local deities; and, perhaps, the prophets of the Muses who are singing over our heads may have imparted their inspiration to me. For I do not imagine that I have any rhetorical art of my own.
Phaedrus: Granted; if you will only please to get on.
Socrates: Suppose that you read me the first words of Lysias’ speech.
Phaedrus: ‘You know how matters stand with me, and how, as I conceive, they might be arranged for our common interest; and I maintain that I ought not to fail in my suit, because I am not your lover. For lovers repent——’
Socrates: Enough: —Now, shall I point out the rhetorical error of those words?
Phaedrus: Yes.
Socrates: Everyone is aware that about some things we are agreed, whereas about other things we differ.
Phaedrus: I think that I understand you; but will you explain yourself?
Socrates: When any one speaks of iron and silver, is not the same thing present in the minds of all?
Phaedrus: Certainly.
Socrates: But when any one speaks of justice and goodness we part company and are at odds with one another and with ourselves?
Phaedrus: Precisely.
Socrates: Then in some things we agree, but not in others?
Phaedrus: That is true.
Socrates: In which are we more likely to be deceived, and in which has rhetoric the greater power?
Phaedrus: Clearly, in the uncertain class.
Socrates: Then the rhetorician ought to make a regular division, and acquire a distinct notion of both classes, as well of that in which the many err, as of that in which they do not err?
Phaedrus: He who made such a distinction would have an excellent principle.
Socrates: Yes; and in the next place he must have a keen eye for the observation of particulars in speaking, and not make a mistake about the class to which they are to be referred.
Phaedrus: Certainly.
Now to which class does love belong—to the debatable or to the undisputed class?
Phaedrus: To the debatable, clearly; for if not, do you think that love would have allowed you to say as you did, that he is an evil both to the lover and the beloved, and also the greatest possible good?
Socrates: Capital. But will you tell me whether I defined love at the beginning of my speech? for, having been in an ecstasy, I cannot well remember.
Phaedrus: Yes, indeed; that you did, and no mistake.
Socrates: Then I perceive that the Nymphs of Achelous and Pan the son of Hermes, who inspired me, were far better rhetoricians than Lysias the son of Cephalus. Alas! how inferior to them he is! But perhaps I am mistaken; and Lysias at the commencement of his lover’s speech did insist on our supposing love to be something or other which he fancied him to be, and according to this model he fashioned and framed the remainder of his discourse. Suppose we read his beginning over again:
Phaedrus: If you please; but you will not find what you want.
Socrates: Read, that I may have his exact words.
Phaedrus: ‘You know how matters stand with me, and how, as I conceive, they might be arranged for our common interest; and I maintain I ought not to fail in my suit because I am not your lover, for lovers repent of the kindnesses which they have shown, when their love is over.’
Socrates: Here he appears to have done just the reverse of what he ought; for he has begun at the end, and is swimming on his back through the flood to the place of starting. His address to the fair youth begins where the lover would have ended. Am I not right, sweet Phaedrus?
Phaedrus: Yes, indeed, Socrates; he does begin at the end.
Socrates: Then as to the other topics—are they not thrown down anyhow? Is there any principle in them? Why should the next topic follow next in order, or any other topic? I cannot help fancying in my ignorance that he wrote off boldly just what came into his head, but I dare say that you would recognize a rhetorical necessity in the succession of the several parts of the composition?
Phaedrus: You have too good an opinion of me if you think that I have any such insight into his principles of composition.
Socrates: At any rate, you will allow that every discourse ought to be a living creature, having a body of its own and a head and feet; there should be a middle, beginning, and end, adapted to one another and to the whole?
Phaedrus: Certainly.
Socrates: Can this be said of the discourse of Lysias? See whether you can find any more connection in his words than in the epitaph which is said by some to have been inscribed on the grave of Midas the Phrygian.
Phaedrus: What is there remarkable in the epitaph?
Socrates: It is as follows: — ‘I am a maiden of bronze and lie on the tomb of Midas; So long as water flows and tall trees grow, So long here on this spot by his sad tomb abiding, I shall declare to passers–by that Midas sleeps below.’
Now in this rhyme whether a line comes first or comes last, as you will perceive, makes no difference.
Phaedrus: You are making fun of that oration of ours.
Socrates: Well, I will say no more about your friend’s speech lest I should give offence to you; although I think that it might furnish many other examples of what a man ought rather to avoid. But I will proceed to the other speech, which, as I think, is also suggestive to students of rhetoric.
Phaedrus: In what way?
Socrates: The two speeches, as you may remember, were unlike; the one argued that the lover and the other that the non–lover ought to be accepted.
Phaedrus: And right manfully.
Socrates: You should rather say ‘madly;’ and madness was the argument of them, for, as I said, ‘love is a madness.’
Phaedrus: Yes.
Socrates: And of madness there were two kinds; one produced by human infirmity, the other was a divine release of the soul from the yoke of custom and convention.
Phaedrus: True.
Socrates: The divine madness was subdivided into four kinds, prophetic, initiatory, poetic, erotic, having four gods presiding over them; the first was the inspiration of Apollo, the second that of Dionysus, the third that of the Muses, the fourth that of Aphrodite and Eros. In the description of the last kind of madness, which was also said to be the best, we spoke of the affection of love in a figure, into which we introduced a tolerably credible and possibly true through partly erring myth, which was also a hymn in honour of Love, who is your lord and also mine, Phaedrus, and the guardian of fair children, and to him we sung the hymn in measured and solemn strain.
Phaedrus: I know that I had great pleasure in listening to you.
Socrates: Let us take this instance and note how the transition was made from blame to praise.
Phaedrus: What do you mean?
Socrates: I mean to say that the composition was mostly playful. Yet in these chance fancies of the hour were involved two principles of which we should be too glad to have a clearer description if art could give us one.
Phaedrus: What are they?
Socrates: First, the comprehension of scattered particulars in one idea; as in our definition of love, which whether true or false certainly gave clearness and consistency to the discourse, the speaker should define his several notions and so make his meaning clear.
Phaedrus: What is the other principle, Socrates?
Socrates: The second principle is that of division into species according to the natural formation, where the joint is, not breaking any part as a bad carver might. Just as our two discourses, alike assumed, first of all, a single form of unreason; and then, as the body which from being one becomes double and may be divided into a left side and right side, each having parts right and left of the same name—after this manner the speaker proceeded to divide the parts of the left side and did not desist until he found in them an evil or lefthanded love which he justly reviled; and the other discourse leading us to the madness which lay on the right side, found another love, also having the same name, but divine, which the speaker held up before us and applauded and affirmed to be the author of the greatest benefits.
Phaedrus: Most true.
Socrates: I am myself a great lover of these processes of division and generalization; they help me to speak and to think. And if I find any man who is able to see ‘a One and Many’ in nature, him I follow, and ‘walk in his footsteps as if he were a god.’ And those who have this art, I have hitherto been in the habit of calling DIALECTICIANS; but God knows whether the name is right or not. And I should like to know what name you would give to your or to Lysias’ disciples, and whether this may not be that famous art of rhetoric which Thrasymachus and others teach and practice? Skillful speakers they are and impart their skill to any who is willing to make kings of them and to bring gifts to them.
Phaedrus: Yes, they are royal men; but their art is not the same with the art of those whom you call, and rightly, in my opinion, dialecticians: —Still we are in the dark about rhetoric.
Socrates: What do you mean? The remains of it, if there be anything remaining which can be brought under rules of art, must be a fine thing; and, at any rate, is not to be despised by you and me. But how much is left?
Phaedrus: There is a great deal surely to be found in books of rhetoric.
Socrates: Yes; thank you for reminding me: —There is The Exordium, showing how the speech should begin, if I remember rightly; that is what you mean—the niceties of the art?
Phaedrus: Yes.
Socrates: Then follows the statement of facts, and upon that witnesses; thirdly, proofs; fourthly, probabilities are to come; the great Byzantian word–maker also speaks, if I am not mistaken, of confirmation and further confirmation.
Phaedrus: You mean the excellent Theodorus.
Socrates: Yes; and he tells how refutation or further refutation is to be managed, whether in accusation or defense. I ought also to mention the illustrious Parian, Evenus, who first invented insinuations and indirect praises; and also indirect censures, which according to some he put into verse to help the memory. But shall I ‘to dumb forgetfulness consign’ Tisias and Gorgias, who are not ignorant that probability is superior to truth, and who by force of argument make the little appear great and the great little, disguise the new in old fashions and the old in new fashions, and have discovered forms for everything, either short or going on to infinity.
I remember Prodicus laughing when I told him of this; he said that he had himself discovered the true rule of art, which was to be neither long nor short, but of a convenient length.Phaedrus: Well done, Prodicus!
Socrates: Then there is Hippias the Elean stranger, who probably agrees with him.
Phaedrus: Yes.
Socrates: And there is also Polus, who has treasuries of diplasiology, and gnomology, and eikonology, and who teaches in them the names of which Licymnius made him a present; they were to give a polish.
Phaedrus: Had not Protagoras something of the same sort?
Socrates: Yes, rules of correct diction and many other fine precepts; for the ‘sorrows of a poor old man,’ or any other pathetic case, no one is better than the Chalcedonian giant; he can put a whole company of people into a passion and out of one again by his mighty magic, and is first–rate at inventing or disposing of any sort of calumny on any grounds or none. All of them agree in asserting that a speech should end in a recapitulation, though they do not all agree to use the same word.
Phaedrus: You mean that there should be a summing up of the arguments in order to remind the hearers of them.
Socrates: I have now said all that I have to say of the art of rhetoric: have you anything to add?
Phaedrus: Not much; nothing very important.
Socrates: Leave the unimportant and let us bring the really important question into the light of day, which is: What power has this art of rhetoric, and when?
Phaedrus: A very great power in public meetings.
Socrates: It has. But I should like to know whether you have the same feeling as I have about the rhetoricians? To me there seem to be a great many holes in their web.
Phaedrus: Give an example.
Socrates: I will. Suppose a person to come to your friend Eryximachus, or to his father Acumenus, and to say to him: ‘I know how to apply drugs which shall have either a heating or a cooling effect, and I can give a vomit and also a purge, and all that sort of thing; and knowing all this, as I do, I claim to be a physician and to make physicians by imparting this knowledge to others,’—what do you suppose that they would say?
Phaedrus: They would be sure to ask him whether he knew ‘to whom’ he would give his medicines, and ‘when,’ and ‘how much.’
Socrates: And suppose that he were to reply: ‘No; I know nothing of all that; I expect the patient who consults me to be able to do these things for himself’?
Phaedrus: They would say in reply that he is a madman or a pedant who fancies that he is a physician because he has read something in a book, or has stumbled on a prescription or two, although he has no real understanding of the art of medicine.
Socrates: And suppose a person were to come to Sophocles or Euripides and say that he knows how to make a very long speech about a small matter, and a short speech about a great matter, and also a sorrowful speech, or a terrible, or threatening speech, or any other kind of speech, and in teaching this fancies that he is teaching the art of tragedy—?
Phaedrus: They too would surely laugh at him if he fancies that tragedy is anything but the arranging of these elements in a manner which will be suitable to one another and to the whole.
Socrates: But I do not suppose that they would be rude or abusive to him: Would they not treat him as a musician would a man who thinks that he is a harmonist because he knows how to pitch the highest and lowest note; happening to meet such an one he would not say to him savagely, ‘Fool, you are mad!’ But like a musician, in a gentle and harmonious tone of voice, he would answer: ‘My good friend, he who would be a harmonist must certainly know this, and yet he may understand nothing of harmony if he has not got beyond your stage of knowledge, for you only know the preliminaries of harmony and not harmony itself.’
Phaedrus: Very true.
Socrates: And will not Sophocles say to the display of the would–be tragedian, that this is not tragedy but the preliminaries of tragedy? and will not Acumenus say the same of medicine to the would–be physician?
Phaedrus: Quite true.
Socrates: And if Adrastus the mellifluous or Pericles heard of these wonderful arts, brachylogies and eikonologies and all the hard names which we have been endeavouring to draw into the light of day, what would they say? Instead of losing temper and applying uncomplimentary epithets, as you and I have been doing, to the authors of such an imaginary art, their superior wisdom would rather censure us, as well as them. ‘Have a little patience, Phaedrus and Socrates, they would say; you should not be in such a passion with those who from some want of dialectical skill are unable to define the nature of rhetoric, and consequently suppose that they have found the art in the preliminary conditions of it, and when these have been taught by them to others, fancy that the whole art of rhetoric has been taught by them; but as to using the several instruments of the art effectively, or making the composition a whole,—an application of it such as this is they regard as an easy thing which their disciples may make for themselves.’
Phaedrus: I quite admit, Socrates, that the art of rhetoric which these men teach and of which they write is such as you describe—there I agree with you. But I still want to know where and how the true art of rhetoric and persuasion is to be acquired.
Socrates: The perfection which is required of the finished orator is, or rather must be, like the perfection of anything else, partly given by nature, but may also be assisted by art. If you have the natural power and add to it knowledge and practice, you will be a distinguished speaker; if you fall short in either of these, you will be to that extent defective.
But the art, as far as there is an art, of rhetoric does not lie in the direction of Lysias or Thrasymachus.Phaedrus: In what direction then?
Socrates: I conceive Pericles to have been the most accomplished of rhetoricians.
Phaedrus: What of that?
Socrates: All the great arts require discussion and high speculation about the truths of nature; hence come loftiness of thought and completeness of execution. And this, as I conceive, was the quality which, in addition to his natural gifts, Pericles acquired from his intercourse with Anaxagoras whom he happened to know. He was thus imbued with the higher philosophy, and attained the knowledge of Mind and the negative of Mind, which were favourite themes of Anaxagoras, and applied what suited his purpose to the art of speaking.
Phaedrus: Explain.
Socrates: Rhetoric is like medicine.
Phaedrus. How so?
Socrates: Why, because medicine has to define the nature of the body and rhetoric of the soul—if we would proceed, not empirically but scientifically, in the one case to impart health and strength by giving medicine and food, in the other to implant the conviction or virtue which you desire, by the right application of words and training.
Phaedrus: There, Socrates, I suspect that you are right.
Socrates: And do you think that you can know the nature of the soul intelligently without knowing the nature of the whole?
Phaedrus: Hippocrates the Asclepiad says that the nature even of the body can only be understood as a whole.
Socrates: Yes, friend, and he was right:—still, we ought not to be content with the name of Hippocrates, but to examine and see whether his argument agrees with his conception of nature.
Phaedrus: I agree.
Socrates: Then consider what truth as well as Hippocrates says about this or about any other nature. Ought we not to consider first whether that which we wish to learn and to teach is a simple or multiform thing, and if simple, then to enquire what power it has of acting or being acted upon in relation to other things, and if multiform, then to number the forms; and see first in the case of one of them, and then in the case of all of them, what is that power of acting or being acted upon which makes each and all of them to be what they are?
Phaedrus: You may very likely be right, Socrates.
Socrates: The method which proceeds without analysis is like the groping of a blind man. Yet, surely, he who is an artist ought not to admit of a comparison with the blind, or deaf. The rhetorician, who teaches his pupil to speak scientifically, will particularly set forth the nature of that being to which he addresses his speeches; and this, I conceive, to be the soul.
Phaedrus: Certainly.
Socrates: His whole effort is directed to the soul; for in that he seeks to produce conviction.
Phaedrus: Yes.
Socrates: Then clearly, Thrasymachus or any one else who teaches rhetoric in earnest will give an exact description of the nature of the soul; which will enable us to see whether she be single and same, or, like the body, multiform. That is what we should call showing the nature of the soul.
Phaedrus: Exactly.
Socrates: He will explain, secondly, the mode in which she acts or is acted upon.
Phaedrus: True.
Socrates: Thirdly, having classified men and speeches, and their kinds and affections, and adapted them to one another, he will tell the reasons of his arrangement, and show why one soul is persuaded by a particular form of argument, and another not.
Phaedrus: You have hit upon a very good way.
Socrates: Yes, that is the true and only way in which any subject can be set forth or treated by rules of art, whether in speaking or writing. But the writers of the present day, at whose feet you have sat, craftily conceal the nature of the soul which they know quite well. Nor, until they adopt our method of reading and writing, can we admit that they write by rules of art?
Phaedrus: What is our method?
Socrates: I cannot give you the exact details; but I should like to tell you generally, as far as is in my power, how a man ought to proceed according to rules of art.
Phaedrus: Let me hear.
Socrates: Oratory is the art of enchanting the soul, and therefore he who would be an orator has to learn the differences of human souls—they are so many and of such a nature, and from them come the differences between man and man. Having proceeded thus far in his analysis, he will next divide speeches into their different classes:—‘Such and such persons,’ he will say, ‘are affected by this or that kind of speech in this or that way,’ and he will tell you why. The pupil must have a good theoretical notion of them first, and then he must have experience of them in actual life, and be able to follow them with all his senses about him, or he will never get beyond the precepts of his masters. But when he understands what persons are persuaded by what arguments, and sees the person about whom he was speaking in the abstract actually before him, and knows that it is he, and can say to himself, ‘This is the man or this is the character who ought to have a certain argument applied to him in order to convince him of a certain opinion;’—he who knows all this, and knows also when he should speak and when he should refrain, and when he should use pithy sayings, pathetic appeals, sensational effects, and all the other modes of speech which he has learned;—when, I say, he knows the times and seasons of all these things, then, and not till then, he is a perfect master of his art; but if he fail in any of these points, whether in speaking or teaching or writing them, and yet declares that he speaks by rules of art, he who says ‘I don’t believe you’ has the better of him. Well, the teacher will say, is this, Phaedrus and Socrates, your account of the so–called art of rhetoric, or am I to look for another?
Phaedrus: He must take this, Socrates, for there is no possibility of another, and yet the creation of such an art is not easy.
Socrates: Very true; and therefore let us consider this matter in every light, and see whether we cannot find a shorter and easier road; there is no use in taking a long rough roundabout way if there be a shorter and easier one. And I wish that you would try and remember whether you have heard from Lysias or any one else anything which might be of service to us.
Phaedrus: If trying would avail, then I might; but at the moment I can think of nothing.
Socrates: Suppose I tell you something which somebody who knows told me.Phaedrus: Certainly.
Socrates: May not ‘the wolf,’ as the proverb says, ‘claim a hearing’?
Phaedrus: Do you say what can be said for him.
Socrates: He will argue that there is no use in putting a solemn face on these matters, or in going round and round, until you arrive at first principles; for, as I said at first, when the question is of justice and good, or is a question in which men are concerned who are just and good, either by nature or habit, he who would be a skillful rhetorician has no need of truth—for that in courts of law men literally care nothing about truth, but only about conviction: and this is based on probability, to which he who would be a skillful orator should therefore give his whole attention.
And they say also that there are cases in which the actual facts, if they are improbable, ought to be withheld, and only the probabilities should be told either in accusation or defense, and that always in speaking, the orator should keep probability in view, and say goodbye to the truth.
And the observance of this principle throughout a speech furnishes the whole art.Phaedrus: That is what the professors of rhetoric do actually say.
Socrates: I have not forgotten that we have quite briefly touched upon this matter already; with them the point is all–important. I dare say that you are familiar with Tisias. Does he not define probability to be that which the many think?Phaedrus: Certainly, he does.
Socrates: I believe that he has a clever and ingenious case of this sort:—
He supposes a feeble and valiant man to have assaulted a strong and cowardly one, and to have robbed him of his coat or of something or other; he is brought into court, and then Tisias says that both parties should tell lies: the coward should say that he was assaulted by more men than one; the other should prove that they were alone, and should argue thus: ‘How could a weak man like me have assaulted a strong man like him?’ The complainant will not like to confess his own cowardice, and will therefore invent some other lie which his adversary will thus gain an opportunity of refuting. And there are other devices of the same kind which have a place in the system. Am I not right, Phaedrus?Phaedrus: Certainly.
Socrates: Bless me, what a wonderfully mysterious art is this which Tisias or some other gentleman, in whatever name or country he rejoices, has discovered. Shall we say a word to him or not?
Phaedrus: What shall we say to him?
Socrates: Let us tell him that, before he appeared, you and I were saying that the probability of which he speaks was engendered in the minds of the many by the likeness of the truth, and we had just been affirming that he who knew the truth would always know best how to discover the resemblances of the truth. If he has anything else to say about the art of speaking we should like to hear him; but if not, we are satisfied with our own view, that unless a man estimates the various characters of his hearers and is able to divide all things into classes and to comprehend them under single ideas, he will never be a skillful rhetorician even within the limits of human power.
And this skill he will not attain without a great deal of trouble, which a good man ought to undergo, not for the sake of speaking and acting before men, but in order that he may be able to say what is acceptable to God and always to act acceptably to Him as far as in him lies; for there is a saying of wiser men than ourselves, that a man of sense should not try to please his fellow–servants (at least this should not be his first object) but his good and noble masters; and therefore if the way is long and circuitous, marvel not at this, for, where the end is great, there we may take the longer road, but not for lesser ends such as yours.
Truly, the argument may say, Tisias, that if you do not mind going so far, rhetoric has a fair beginning here.Phaedrus: I think, Socrates, that this is admirable, if only practicable.
Socrates: But even to fail in an honorable undertaking is honorable.
Phaedrus: True.
Socrates: Enough appears to have been said by us of a true and false art of speaking.
Phaedrus: Certainly.
Socrates: But there is something yet to be said of propriety and impropriety of writing.
Phaedrus: Yes.
Socrates: Do you know how you can speak or act about rhetoric in a manner which will be acceptable to God?
Phaedrus: No, indeed. Do you?
Socrates: I have heard a tradition of the ancients, whether true or not they only know; although if we had found the truth ourselves, do you think that we should care much about the opinions of men?
Phaedrus: Your question needs no answer; but I wish that you would tell me what you say that you have heard.
Socrates: At the Egyptian city of Naucratis, there was a famous old god, whose name was Theuth; the bird which is called the Ibis is sacred to him, and he was the inventor of many arts, such as arithmetic and calculation and geometry and astronomy and draughts and dice, but his great discovery was the use of letters. Now in those days the god Thamus was the king of the whole country of Egypt; and he dwelt in that great city of Upper Egypt which the Hellenes call Egyptian Thebes, and the god himself is called by them Ammon. To him came Theuth and showed his inventions, desiring that the other Egyptians might be allowed to have the benefit of them; he enumerated them, and Thamus enquired about their several uses, and praised some of them and censured others, as he approved or disapproved of them. It would take a long time to repeat all that Thamus said to Theuth in praise or blame of the various arts. But when they came to letters, This, said Theuth, will make the Egyptians wiser and give them better memories; it is a specific both for the memory and for the wit.
Thamus replied: O most ingenious Theuth, the parent or inventor of an art is not always the best judge of the utility or inutility of his own inventions to the users of them.
And in this instance, you who are the father of letters, from a paternal love of your own children have been led to attribute to them a quality which they cannot have; for this discovery of yours will create forgetfulness in the learners’ souls, because they will not use their memories; they will trust to the external written characters and not remember of themselves. The specific which you have discovered is an aid not to memory, but to reminiscence, and you give your disciples not truth, but only the semblance of truth; they will be hearers of many things and will have learned nothing; they will appear to be omniscient and will generally know nothing; they will be tiresome company, having the show of wisdom without the reality.Phaedrus: Yes, Socrates, you can easily invent tales of Egypt, or of any other country.
Socrates: There was a tradition in the temple of Dodona that oaks first gave prophetic utterances. The men of old, unlike in their simplicity to young philosophy, deemed that if they heard the truth even from ‘oak or rock,’ it was enough for them; whereas you seem to consider not whether a thing is or is not true, but who the speaker is and from what country the tale comes.
Phaedrus: I acknowledge the justice of your rebuke; and I think that the Theban is right in his view about letters.
Socrates: He would be a very simple person, and quite a stranger to the oracles of Thamus or Ammon, who should leave in writing or receive in writing any art under the idea that the written word would be intelligible or certain; or who deemed that writing was at all better than knowledge and recollection of the same matters.
Phaedrus: That is most true.
Socrates: I cannot help feeling, Phaedrus, that writing is unfortunately like painting; for the creations of the painter have the attitude of life, and yet if you ask them a question they preserve a solemn silence. And the same may be said of speeches. You would imagine that they had intelligence, but if you want to know anything and put a question to one of them, the speaker always gives one unvarying answer. And when they have been once written down they are tumbled about anywhere among those who may or may not understand them, and know not to whom they should reply, to whom not: and, if they are maltreated or abused, they have no parent to protect them; and they cannot protect or defend themselves.
Phaedrus: That again is most true.
Socrates: Is there not another kind of word or speech far better than this, and having far greater power—a son of the same family, but lawfully begotten?
Phaedrus: Whom do you mean, and what is his origin?
Socrates: I mean an intelligent word graven in the soul of the learner, which can defend itself, and knows when to speak and when to be silent.
Phaedrus: You mean the living word of knowledge which has a soul, and of which the written word is properly no more than an image?
Socrates: Yes, of course that is what I mean. And now may I be allowed to ask you a question:
Would a husbandman, who is a man of sense, take the seeds, which he values and which he wishes to bear fruit, and in sober seriousness plant them during the heat of summer, in some garden of Adonis, that he may rejoice when he sees them in eight days appearing in beauty? At least he would do so, if at all, only for the sake of amusement and pastime. But when he is in earnest he sows in fitting soil, and practices husbandry, and is satisfied if in eight months the seeds which he has sown arrive at perfection?Phaedrus: Yes, Socrates, that will be his way when he is in earnest; he will do the other, as you say, only in play.
Socrates: And can we suppose that he who knows the just and good and honorable has less understanding, than the husbandman, about his own seeds?
Phaedrus: Certainly not.
Socrates: Then he will not seriously incline to ‘write’ his thoughts ‘in water’ with pen and ink, sowing words which can neither speak for themselves nor teach the truth adequately to others?
Phaedrus: No, that is not likely.
Socrates: No, that is not likely—in the garden of letters he will sow and plant, but only for the sake of recreation and amusement; he will write them down as memorials to be treasured against the forgetfulness of old age, by himself, or by any other old man who is treading the same path. He will rejoice in beholding their tender growth; and while others are refreshing their souls with banqueting and the like, this will be the pastime in which his days are spent.
Phaedrus: A pastime, Socrates, as noble as the other is ignoble, the pastime of a man who can be amused by serious talk, and can discourse merrily about justice and the like.
Socrates: True, Phaedrus. But nobler far is the serious pursuit of the DIALECTICIAN, who, finding a congenial soul, by the help of science sows and plants therein words which are able to help themselves and him who planted them, and are not unfruitful, but have in them a seed which others brought up in different soils render immortal, making the possessors of it happy to the utmost extent of human happiness.
Phaedrus: Far nobler, certainly.
Socrates: And now, Phaedrus, having agreed upon the premises we may decide about the conclusion.
Phaedrus: About what conclusion?
Socrates: About Lysias, whom we censured, and his art of writing, and his discourses, and the rhetorical skill or want of skill which was shown in them—these are the questions which we sought to determine, and they brought us to this point. And I think that we are now pretty well informed about the nature of art and its opposite.
Phaedrus: Yes, I think with you; but I wish that you would repeat what was said.
Socrates: Until a man knows the truth of the several particulars of which he is writing or speaking, and is able to define them as they are, and having defined them again to divide them until they can be no longer divided, and until in like manner he is able to discern the nature of the soul, and discover the different modes of discourse which are adapted to different natures, and to arrange and dispose them in such a way that the simple form of speech may be addressed to the simpler nature, and the complex and composite to the more complex nature—until he has accomplished all this, he will be unable to handle arguments according to rules of art, as far as their nature allows them to be subjected to art, either for the purpose of teaching or persuading;
—such is the view which is implied in the whole preceding argument.Phaedrus: Yes, that was our view, certainly.
Socrates: Secondly, as to the censure which was passed on the speaking or writing of discourses, and how they might be rightly or wrongly censured—did not our previous argument show—?
Phaedrus: Show what?
Socrates: That whether Lysias or any other writer that ever was or will be, whether private man or statesman, proposes laws and so becomes the author of a political treatise, fancying that there is any great certainty and clearness in his performance, the fact of his so writing is only a disgrace to him, whatever men may say. For not to know the nature of justice and injustice, and good and evil, and not to be able to distinguish the dream from the reality, cannot in truth be otherwise than disgraceful to him, even though he have the applause of the whole world.
Phaedrus: Certainly.
Socrates: But he who thinks that in the written word there is necessarily much which is not serious, and that neither poetry nor prose, spoken or written, is of any great value, if, like the compositions of the rhapsodes, they are only recited in order to be believed, and not with any view to criticism or instruction; and who thinks that even the best of writings are but a reminiscence of what we know, and that only in principles of justice and goodness and nobility taught and communicated orally for the sake of instruction and graven in the soul, which is the true way of writing, is there clearness and perfection and seriousness, and that such principles are a man’s own and his legitimate offspring;—being, in the first place, the word which he finds in his own bosom; secondly, the brethren and descendants and relations of his idea which have been duly implanted by him in the souls of others;—and who cares for them and no others—this is the right sort of man; and you and I, Phaedrus, would pray that we may become like him.
Phaedrus: That is most assuredly my desire and prayer.
Socrates: And now the play is played out; and of rhetoric enough. Go and tell Lysias that to the fountain and school of the Nymphs we went down, and were bidden by them to convey a message to him and to other composers of speeches—to Homer and other writers of poems, whether set to music or not; and to Solon and others who have composed writings in the form of political discourses which they would term laws—to all of them we are to say that if their compositions are based on knowledge of the truth, and they can defend or prove them, when they are put to the test, by spoken arguments, which leave their writings poor in comparison of them, then they are to be called, not only poets, orators, legislators, but are worthy of a higher name, befitting the serious pursuit of their life.
Phaedrus: What name would you assign to them?
Socrates: Wise, I may not call them; for that is a great name which belongs to God alone,—lovers of wisdom or philosophers is their modest and befitting title.
Phaedrus: Very suitable.
Socrates: And he who cannot rise above his own compilations and compositions, which he has been long patching and piecing, adding some and taking away some, may be justly called poet or speech–maker or law–maker.
Phaedrus: Certainly.
Socrates: Now go and tell this to your companion.
Phaedrus: But there is also a friend of yours who ought not to be forgotten.
Socrates: Who is he?
Phaedrus: Isocrates the fair:—What message will you send to him, and how shall we describe him?
Socrates: Another message to Isocrates, which is expressed in terms of the highest praise. Isocrates is still young, Phaedrus; but I am willing to hazard a prophecy concerning him.
Phaedrus: What would you prophesy?
Socrates. I think that he has a genius which soars above the orations of Lysias, and that his character is cast in a finer mold. My impression of him is that he will marvelously improve as he grows older, and that all former rhetoricians will be as children in comparison of him. And I believe that he will not be satisfied with rhetoric, but that there is in him a divine inspiration which will lead him to things higher still. For he has an element of philosophy in his nature. This is the message of the gods dwelling in this place, and which I will myself deliver to Isocrates, who is my delight; and do you give the other to Lysias, who is yours.
Phaedrus: I will; and now as the heat is abated let us depart.
Socrates: Should we not offer up a prayer first of all to the local deities?
Phaedrus: By all means.
Socrates: Beloved Pan, and all ye other gods who haunt this place, give me beauty in the inward soul; and may the outward and inward man be at one. May I reckon the wise to be the wealthy, and may I have such a quantity of gold as a temperate man and he only can bear and carry.—Anything more? The prayer, I think, is enough for me.
Phaedrus: Ask the same for me, for friends should have all things in common.
Socrates: Let us go.
The Apology (Plato)
Socrates: How you, my Athenians, have been affected by my accusers, I cannot tell; but I know that they almost made me forget who I was—so persuasively did they speak; and yet they have hardly uttered a word of truth.
But of the many falsehoods told by them, there was one which quite amazed me;
I mean when they said that you should be upon your guard and not allow yourselves to be deceived by the force of my eloquence. To say this, when they were certain to be detected as soon as I opened my lips and proved myself to be anything but a great speaker, did indeed appear to me most shameless—unless by the force of eloquence they mean the force of truth; for if such is their meaning, I admit that I am eloquent.
But in how different a way from theirs!
Well, as I was saying, they have scarcely spoken the truth at all; but from me you shall hear the whole truth: not, however, delivered after their manner in a set oration duly ornamented with words and phrases. No, by heaven!
But I shall use the words and arguments which occur to me at the moment; for I am confident in the justice of my cause. At my time of life I ought not to be appearing before you, O men of Athens, in the character of a juvenile orator—let no one expect it of me.
And I must beg of you to grant me a favor: If I defend myself in my accustomed manner, and you hear me using the words which I have been in the habit of using in the agora, at the tables of the money changers, or anywhere else, I would ask you not to be surprised, and not to interrupt me on this account.
For I am more than seventy years of age, and appearing now for the first time in a court of law, I am quite a stranger to the language of the place; and therefore I would have you regard me as if I were really a stranger, whom you would excuse if he spoke in his native tongue, and after the fashion of his country.
Am I making an unfair request of you?
Never mind the manner, which may or may not be good; but think only of the truth of my words, and give heed to that: let the speaker speak truly and the judge decide justly.
And first, I have to reply to the older charges and to my first accusers, and then I will go on to the later ones. For of old I have had many accusers, who have accused me falsely to you during many years; and I am more afraid of them than of Anytus and his associates, who are dangerous, too, in their own way.
But far more dangerous are the others, who began when you were children, and took possession of your minds with their falsehoods, telling of one Socrates, a wise man, who speculated about the heaven above, and searched into the earth beneath, and made the worse appear the better cause. The disseminators of this tale are the accusers whom I dread; for their hearers are apt to fancy that such inquirers do not believe in the existence of the Gods.
And they are many, and their charges against me are of ancient date, and they were made by them in the days when you were more impressible than you are now—in childhood, or it may have been in youth—and the cause when heard went by default, for there was none to answer. And hardest of all, I do not know and cannot tell the names of my accusers; unless in the chance case of a comic poet. All who from envy and malice have persuaded you; some of them having first convinced themselves. All this class of men are most difficult to deal with; for I cannot have them up here, and cross-examine them, and therefore I must simply fight with shadows in my own defense, and argue when there is no one who answers.
I will ask you then to assume with me, as I was saying, that my opponents are of two kinds; one recent, the other ancient. And I hope that you will see the propriety of my answering the latter first, for these accusations you heard long before the others, and much oftener.
Well, then, I must make my defense, and endeavor to clear away in a short time, a slander which has lasted a long time.
May I succeed, if to succeed be for my good and yours, or likely to avail me in my cause! The task is not an easy one; I quite understand the nature of it. And so leaving the event with God, in obedience to the law I will now make my defense.
I will begin at the beginning, and ask what is the accusation which has given rise to the slander of me, and in fact has encouraged Meletus to prefer this charge against me. Well, what do the slanderers say?
They shall be my prosecutors, and I will sum up their words in an affidavit:
“Socrates is an evil-doer, and a curious person, who searches into things under the earth and in heaven, and he makes the worse appear the better cause; and he teaches the aforesaid doctrines to others.”
Such is the nature of the accusation: it is just what you have yourselves seen in the comedy of Aristophanes, who has introduced a man whom he calls Socrates, going about and saying that he walks in air, and talking a deal of nonsense concerning matters of which I do not pretend to know either much or little; not that I mean to speak disparagingly of anyone who is a student of natural philosophy.
I should be very sorry if Meletus could bring so grave a charge against me. But the simple truth is, O Athenians, that I have nothing to do with physical speculations. Very many of those here present are witnesses to the truth of this, and to them I appeal.
Speak then, you who have heard me, and tell your neighbors whether any of you have ever known me hold forth in few words or in many upon such matters.
You hear their answer. And from what they say of this part of the charge you will be able to judge of the truth of the rest.
As little foundation is there for the report that I am a teacher, and take money; this accusation has no more truth in it than the other.
Although, if a man were really able to instruct mankind, to receive money for giving instruction would, in my opinion, be an honor to him.
There is Gorgias of Leontium, and Prodicus of Ceos, and Hippias of Elis, who go the round of the cities, and are able to persuade the young men to leave their own citizens by whom they might be taught for nothing, and come to them whom they not only pay, but are thankful if they may be allowed to pay them.
There is at this time a Parian philosopher residing in Athens, of whom I have heard; and I came to hear of him in this way:
I came across a man who has spent a world of money on the Sophists, Callias, the son of Hipponicus, and knowing that he had sons, I asked him: ‘Callias,’ I said,
If your two sons were foals or calves, there would be no difficulty in finding some one to put over them; we should hire a trainer of horses, or a farmer probably, who would improve and perfect them in their own proper virtue and excellence; but as they are human beings, whom are you thinking of placing over them? Is there any one who understands human and political virtue? You must have thought about the matter, for you have sons; is there any one?
“There is.” He said.
“Who is he? And of what country? And what does he charge?” Said I.
“Evenus the Parian. He is the man, and his charge is five minae.” He said.
Happy is Evenus, I said to myself, if he really has this wisdom, and teaches at such a moderate charge. Had I the same, I should have been very proud and conceited; but the truth is that I have no knowledge of the kind.
I dare say, Athenians, that some one among you will reply,
“Yes, Socrates, but what is the origin of these accusations which are brought against you; there must have been something strange which you have been doing? All these rumors and this talk about you would never have arisen if you had been like other men; tell us, then, what is the cause of them, for we should be sorry to judge hastily of you.”
Now I regard this as a fair challenge, and I will endeavor to explain to you the reason why I am called wise and have such an evil fame. And although some of you may think that I am joking, I declare that I will tell you the entire truth.
Men of Athens, this reputation of mine has come of a certain sort of wisdom which I possess. If you ask me what kind of wisdom, I reply, wisdom such as may perhaps be attained by man, for to that extent I am inclined to believe that I am wise; whereas the persons of whom I was speaking have a superhuman wisdom which I may fail to describe, because I have it not myself; and he who says that I have, speaks falsely, and is taking away my character.
And here, O men of Athens, I must beg you not to interrupt me, even if I seem to say something extravagant. For the word which I will speak is not mine. I will refer you to a witness who is worthy of credit; that witness shall be the God of Delphi; he will tell you about my wisdom, if I have any, and of what sort it is.
You must have known Chaerephon; he was early a friend of mine, and also a friend of yours, for he shared in the recent exile of the people, and returned with you. Well, Chaerephon, as you know, was very impetuous in all his doings, and he went to Delphi and boldly asked the Oracle to tell him whether;
as I was saying, I must beg you not to interrupt;
he asked the Oracle to tell him whether anyone was wiser than I was, and the Pythian prophetess answered, that there was no man wiser. Chaerephon is dead himself; but his brother, who is in court, will confirm the truth of what I am saying.
Why do I mention this? Because I am going to explain to you why I have such an evil name.
When I heard the answer, I said to myself, What can the God mean? And what is the interpretation of his riddle? For I know that I have no wisdom, small or great. What then can he mean when he says that I am the wisest of men?
And yet he is a God, and cannot lie; that would be against his nature.
After long consideration, I thought of a method of trying the question. I reflected that if I could only find a man wiser than myself, then I might go to the God with a refutation in my hand.
I should say to him, “Here is a man who is wiser than I am; but you said that I was the wisest.”
Accordingly I went to one who had the reputation of wisdom, and observed him—his name I need not mention; he was a politician whom I selected for examination—and the result was as follows:
When I began to talk with him, I could not help thinking that he was not really wise, although he was thought wise by many, and still wiser by himself; and thereupon I tried to explain to him that he thought himself wise, but was not really wise; and the consequence was that he hated me, and his enmity was shared by several who were present and heard me.
So I left him, saying to myself, as I went away: Well, although I do not suppose that either of us knows anything really beautiful and good.
I am better off than he is,—for he knows nothing, and thinks that he knows; I neither know nor think that I know. In this latter particular, then, I seem to have slightly the advantage of him.
Then I went to another who had still higher pretensions to wisdom, and my conclusion was exactly the same. Whereupon I made another enemy of him, and of many others besides him.
I found that the poets were the worst possible interpreters of their own writings.
Then I went to one man after another, being not unconscious of the enmity which I provoked, and I lamented and feared this: but necessity was laid upon me; the word of God, I thought, ought to be considered first. And I said to myself, “Go I must to all who appear to know, and find out the meaning of the Oracle.”
And I swear to you, Athenians, by the dog I swear! For I must tell you the truth! The result of my mission was just this; I found that the men most in repute were all but the most foolish; and that others less esteemed were really wiser and better.
I will tell you the tale of my wanderings and of the “Herculean” labors, as I may call them, which I endured only to find at last the Oracle irrefutable.
After the politicians, I went to the poets; tragic, dithyrambic, and all sorts. And there, I said to myself, you will be instantly detected; now you will find out that you are more ignorant than they are.
Accordingly, I took them some of the most elaborate passages in their own writings, and asked what was the meaning of them; thinking that they would teach me something. Will you believe me?
I am almost ashamed to confess the truth, but I must say that there is hardly a person present who would not have talked better about their poetry than they did themselves.
Then I knew that not by wisdom do poets write poetry, but by a sort of genius and inspiration; they are like diviners or soothsayers who also say many fine things, but do not understand the meaning of them.
The poets appeared to me to be much in the same case; and I further observed that upon the strength of their poetry they believed themselves to be the wisest of men in other things in which they were not wise. So I departed, conceiving myself to be superior to them for the same reason that I was superior to the politicians.
At last I went to the artisans, for I was conscious that I knew nothing at all, as I may say, and I was sure that they knew many fine things; and here I was not mistaken, for they did know many things of which I was ignorant, and in this they certainly were wiser than I was.
But I observed that even the good artisans fell into the same error as the poets.
Because they were good workmen they thought that they also knew all sorts of high matters, and this defect in them overshadowed their wisdom; and therefore I asked myself on behalf of the Oracle, whether I would like to be as I was, neither having their knowledge nor their ignorance, or like them in both; and I made answer to myself and to the Oracle that I was better off as I was.
This inquisition has led to my having many enemies of the worst and most dangerous kind, and has given occasion also to many calumnies.
And I am called wise, for my hearers always imagine that I myself possess the wisdom which I find wanting in others:
but the truth is, O men of Athens, that God only is wise; and by his answer he intends to show that the wisdom of men is worth little or nothing;
he is not speaking of Socrates, he is only using my name by way of illustration, as if he said;
He, O men, is the wisest, who, like Socrates, knows that his wisdom is in truth worth nothing.
And so I go about the world, obedient to the God, and search and make inquiry into the wisdom of anyone, whether citizen or stranger, who appears to be wise; and if he is not wise, then in vindication of the Oracle I show him that he is not wise; and my occupation quite absorbs me, and I have no time to give either to any public matter of interest or to any concern of my own, but I am in utter poverty by reason of my devotion to the God.
There is another thing:—young men of the richer classes, who have not much to do, come about me of their own accord; they like to hear the pretenders examined, and they often imitate me, and proceed to examine others; there are plenty of persons, as they quickly discover, who think that they know something, but really know little or nothing; and then those who are examined by them instead of being angry with themselves are angry with me:
“This confounded Socrates!” They say; “This villainous misleader of youth!”
And then if somebody asks them, why, what evil does he practice or teach? They do not know, and cannot tell; but in order that they may not appear to be at a loss, they repeat the ready made charges which are used against all philosophers about teaching things up in the clouds and under the earth, and having no Gods, and making the worse appear the better cause;
For they do not like to confess that their pretense of knowledge has been detected. Which is the truth; and as they are numerous and ambitious and energetic, and are drawn up in battle array and have persuasive tongues, they have filled your ears with their loud and inveterate calumnies.
And this is the reason why my three accusers; Meletus, Anytus and Lycon, have set upon me. Meletus, who has a quarrel with me on behalf of the poets; Anytus, on behalf of the craftsmen and politicians; Lycon, on behalf of the rhetoricians. And as I said at the beginning, I cannot expect to get rid of such a mass of calumny all in a moment.
And this, O men of Athens, is the truth and the whole truth; I have concealed nothing, I have dissembled nothing.
And yet, I know that my plainness of speech makes them hate me, and what is their hatred but a proof that I am speaking the truth?
Hence has arisen the prejudice against me; and this is the reason of it, as you will find out either in this or in any future inquiry.
I have said enough in my defense against the first class of my accusers; now I shall turn to the second class.
They are headed by Meletus, that good man and true lover of his country, as he calls himself. Against these, too, I must try to make a defense. Let their affidavit be read; it contains something of this kind:
It says that Socrates is a doer of evil, who corrupts the youth; and who does not believe in the Gods of the state, but has other new divinities of his own. Such is the charge; and now let us examine the particular counts.
He says that I am a doer of evil, and corrupt the youth; but I say, O men of Athens, that Meletus is a doer of evil, in that he pretends to be in earnest when he is only in jest, and is so eager to bring men to trial from a pretended zeal and interest about matters in which he really never had the smallest interest. And the truth of this I will endeavor to prove to you. Come hither, Meletus, and let me ask a question of you. You think a great deal about the improvement of youth?
Meletus: Yes, I do.
Socrates: Tell the judges, then, who is their improver; for you must know, as you have taken the pains to discover their corrupter, and are citing and accusing me before them. Speak, then, and tell the judges who their improver is.
Observe, Meletus, that you are silent, and have nothing to say. But is not this rather disgraceful, and a very considerable proof of what I was saying, that you have no interest in the matter? Speak up, friend, and tell us who their improver is.
Meletus: The laws.
Socrates: But that, my good sir, is not my meaning.
I want to know who the person is, who, in the first place, knows the laws.
Meletus: The judges, Socrates, who are present in court.
Socrates: What, do you mean to say, Meletus, that they are able to instruct and improve youth?
Meletus: Certainly they are.
Socrates: What, all of them, or some only and not others?
Meletus: All of them.
Socrates: By the Goddess Hera, that is good news! There are plenty of improvers, then. And what do you say of the audience; do they improve them?
Meletus: Yes, they do.
Socrates: And the senators?
Meletus: Yes, the senators improve them.
Socrates: But perhaps the members of the assembly corrupt them? Or do they too improve them?
Meletus: They improve them.
Socrates: Then every Athenian improves and elevates them; all with the exception of myself; and I alone am their corrupter? Is that what you affirm?
Meletus: That is what I stoutly affirm.
Socrates: I am very unfortunate if you are right. But suppose I ask you a question:
How about horses? Does one man do them harm and all the world good? Is not the exact opposite the truth? One man is able to do them good, or at least not many; the trainer of horses, that is to say, does them good, and others who have to do with them rather injure them? Is not that true, Meletus, of horses, or of any other animals? Most assuredly it is; whether you and Anytus say yes or no.
Happy indeed would be the condition of youth if they had one corrupter only, and all the rest of the world were their improvers.
But you, Meletus, have sufficiently shown that you never had a thought about the young: your carelessness is seen in your not caring about the very things which you bring against me.
And now, Meletus, I will ask you another question—by Zeus I will: Which is better, to live among bad citizens, or among good ones?
Answer, friend, I say; the question is one which may be easily answered.
Do not the good do their neighbors good, and the bad do them evil?
Meletus: Certainly.
Socrates: And is there anyone who would rather be injured than benefited by those who live with him? Answer, my good friend, the law requires you to answer; does anyone like to be injured?
Meletus: Certainly not.
Socrates: And when you accuse me of corrupting and deteriorating the youth, do you allege that I corrupt them intentionally or unintentionally?
Meletus: Intentionally, I say.
Socrates: But you have just admitted that the good do their neighbors good, and the evil do them evil. Now, is that a truth which your superior wisdom has recognized thus early in life, and am I, at my age, in such darkness and ignorance as not to know that if a man with whom I have to live is corrupted by me, I am very likely to be harmed by him; and yet I corrupt him, and intentionally, too—so you say, although neither I nor any other human being is ever likely to be convinced by you.
But either I do not corrupt them, or I corrupt them unintentionally; and on either view of the case you lie.
If my offence is unintentional, the law has no cognizance of unintentional offences: you ought to have taken me privately, and warned and admonished me; for if I had been better advised, I should have left off doing what I only did unintentionally—no doubt I should; but you would have nothing to say to me and refused to teach me.
And now you bring me up in this court, which is a place not of instruction, but of punishment. It will be very clear to you, Athenians, as I was saying, that Meletus has no care at all, great or small, about the matter.
But still I should like to know, Meletus, in what I am affirmed to corrupt the young. I suppose you mean, as I infer from your indictment, that I teach them not to acknowledge the Gods which the state acknowledges, but some other new divinities or spiritual agencies in their stead. These are the lessons by which I corrupt the youth, as you say?
Meletus: Yes, that I say emphatically.
Socrates: Then, by the Gods, Meletus, of whom we are speaking, tell me and the court, in somewhat plainer terms, what you mean! For I do not as yet understand whether you affirm that I teach other men to acknowledge some Gods, and therefore that I do believe in Gods, and am not an entire atheist—this you do not lay to my charge,—but only you say that they are not the same Gods which the city recognizes—the charge is that they are different Gods.
Or, do you mean that I am an atheist simply, and a teacher of atheism?
Meletus: I mean the latter—that you are a complete atheist.
Socrates: What an extraordinary statement! Why do you think so, Meletus? Do you mean that I do not believe in the Godhead of the sun or moon, like other men?
Meletus: I assure you, judges, that he does not: for he says that the sun is stone, and the moon earth.
Socrates: Friend Meletus, you’d think that you were accusing Anaxagoras: and you have but a bad opinion of the judges, if you fancy them illiterate to such a degree as not to know that these doctrines are found in the books of Anaxagoras the Clazomenian, which are full of them.
And so, forsooth, the youth are said to be taught them by Socrates, when there are not infrequently exhibitions of them at the theatre (price of admission one drachma at the most); and they might pay their money, and laugh at Socrates if he pretends to father these extraordinary views. And so, Meletus, you really think that I do not believe in any God?
Meletus: I swear by Zeus that you believe absolutely in none at all.
Socrates: Nobody will believe you, Meletus, and I am pretty sure that you do not believe yourself. I cannot help thinking, men of Athens, that Meletus is reckless and impudent, and that he has written this indictment in a spirit of mere wantonness and youthful bravado.
Has he not compounded a riddle, thinking to try me?
He said to himself:—I shall see whether the wise Socrates will discover my facetious contradiction, or whether I shall be able to deceive him and the rest of them.
For he certainly does appear to me to contradict himself in the indictment as much as if he said that Socrates is guilty of not believing in the Gods, and yet of believing in them—but this is not like a person who is in earnest. I should like you, O men of Athens, to join me in examining what I conceive to be his inconsistency; and do you, Meletus, answer.
And I must remind the audience of my request that they would not make a disturbance if I speak in my accustomed manner:
Did ever man, Meletus, believe in the existence of human things, and not of human beings?
I wish, men of Athens, that he would answer, and not be always trying to get up an interruption.
Did ever any man believe in horsemanship, and not in horses? Or in flute-playing, and not in flute-players?
No, my friend; I will answer to you and to the court, as you refuse to answer for yourself. There is no man who ever did.
But now please to answer the next question: Can a man believe in spiritual and divine agencies, and not in spirits or demigods? He cannot.
How lucky I am to have extracted that answer, by the assistance of the court! But then you swear in the indictment that I teach and believe in divine or spiritual agencies (new or old, no matter for that); at any rate, I believe in spiritual agencies,—so you say and swear in the affidavit; and yet if I believe in divine beings, how can I help believing in spirits or demigods;—must I not? To be sure I must; and therefore I may assume that your silence gives consent. Now what are spirits or demigods? Are they not either Gods or the sons of Gods? Certainly they are.
But this is what I call the facetious riddle invented by you: the demigods or spirits are Gods, and you say first that I do not believe in Gods, and then again that I do believe in Gods; that is, if I believe in demigods. For if the demigods are the illegitimate sons of Gods, whether by the nymphs or by any other mothers, of whom they are said to be the sons—what human being will ever believe that there are no Gods if they are the sons of Gods?
You might as well affirm the existence of mules, and deny that of horses and asses.
Such nonsense, Meletus, could only have been intended by you to make trial of me. You have put this into the indictment because you had nothing real of which to accuse me. But no one who has a particle of understanding will ever be convinced by you that the same men can believe in divine and superhuman things, and yet not believe that there are Gods and demigods and heroes. I have said enough in answer to the charge of Meletus: any elaborate defense is unnecessary; but I know only too well how many are the enmities which I have incurred, and this is what will be my destruction if I am destroyed;—not Meletus, nor yet Anytus, but the envy and detraction of the world, which has been the death of many good men, and will probably be the death of many more; there is no danger of my being the last of them.
Some one will say: And are you not ashamed, Socrates, of a course of life which is likely to bring you to an untimely end?
To him I may fairly answer: There you are mistaken: A man who is good for anything ought not to calculate the chance of living or dying; he ought only to consider whether in doing anything he is doing right or wrong—acting the part of a good man or of a bad.
Whereas, upon your view, the heroes who fell at Troy were not good for much, and the son of Thetis above all, who altogether despised danger in comparison with disgrace; and when he was so eager to slay Hector, his goddess mother said to him, that if he avenged his companion Patroclus, and slew Hector, he would die himself
—‘Fate,’ she said, in these or the like words, ‘Waits for you next after Hector;’ he, receiving this warning, utterly despised danger and death, and instead of fearing them, feared rather to live in dishonour, and not to avenge his friend.
‘Let me die forthwith,’ he replies, ‘And be avenged of my enemy, rather than abide here by the beaked ships, a laughing-stock and a burden of the earth.’
Had Achilles any thought of death and danger?
For wherever a man’s place is, whether the place which he has chosen or that in which he has been placed by a commander, there he ought to remain in the hour of danger; he should not think of death or of anything but of disgrace. And this, O men of Athens, is a true saying.
Strange, indeed, would be my conduct, O men of Athens, if I who, when I was ordered by the generals whom you chose to command me at Potidaea and Amphipolis and Delium, remained where they placed me, like any other man, facing death—if now, when, as I conceive and imagine,
God orders me to fulfill the philosopher’s mission of searching into myself and other men, if I were to desert my post through fear of death, or any other fear; that would indeed be strange, and I might justly be arraigned in court for denying the existence of the Gods, if I disobeyed the Oracle because I was afraid of death, fancying that I was wise when I was not wise.
For the fear of death is indeed the pretense of wisdom, and not real wisdom, being a pretense of knowing the unknown; and no one knows whether death, which men in their fear apprehend to be the greatest evil, may not be the greatest good. Is not this ignorance of a disgraceful sort, the ignorance which is the conceit that a man knows what he does not know?
And in this respect only I believe myself to differ from men in general, and may perhaps claim to be wiser than they are:
—that whereas I know but little of the world below, I do not suppose that I know: but I do know that injustice and disobedience to a better, whether God or man, is evil and dishonorable, and I will never fear or avoid a possible good rather than a certain evil.
And therefore if you let me go now, and are not convinced by Anytus, who said that since I had been prosecuted I must be put to death; (or if not that I ought never to have been prosecuted at all); and that if I escape now, your sons will all be utterly ruined by listening to my words—if you say to me, Socrates, this time we will not mind Anytus, and you shall be let off, but upon one condition, that you are not to inquire and speculate in this way any more, and that if you are caught doing so again you shall die;—if this was the condition on which you let me go,
I should reply: Men of Athens, I honor and love you; but I shall obey God rather than you, and while I have life and strength I shall never cease from the practice and teaching of philosophy, exhorting any one whom I meet and saying to him after my manner:
You, my friend,—A citizen of the great and mighty and wise city of Athens,
—Are you not ashamed of heaping up the greatest amount of money and honor and reputation, and caring so little about wisdom and truth and the greatest improvement of the soul, which you never regard or heed at all?
And if the person with whom I am arguing, says: Yes, but I do care; then I do not leave him or let him go at once; but I proceed to interrogate and examine and cross-examine him, and if I think that he has no virtue in him, but only says that he has, I reproach him with undervaluing the greater, and overvaluing the less.
And I shall repeat the same words to every one whom I meet, young and old, citizen and alien, but especially to the citizens, inasmuch as they are my brethren.
For know that this is the command of God; and I believe that no greater good has ever happened in the state than my service to the God. For I do nothing but go about persuading you all, old and young alike, not to take thought for your persons or your properties, but first and chiefly to care about the greatest improvement of the soul.
I tell you that virtue is not given by money, but that from virtue comes money and every other good of man, public as well as private. This is my teaching, and if this is the doctrine which corrupts the youth, I am a mischievous person. But if any one says that this is not my teaching, he is speaking an untruth. Wherefore, O men of Athens, I say to you, do as Anytus bids or not as Anytus bids, and either acquit me or not; but whichever you do, understand that I shall never alter my ways, not even if I have to die many times.
Men of Athens, do not interrupt, but hear me; there was an understanding between us that you should hear me to the end: I have something more to say, at which you may be inclined to cry out; but I believe that to hear me will be good for you, and therefore I beg that you will not cry out.
I would have you know, that if you kill such an one as I am, you will injure yourselves more than you will injure me.
Nothing will injure me, not Meletus nor yet Anytus—they cannot, for a bad man is not permitted to injure a better than himself.
I do not deny that Anytus may, perhaps, kill him, or drive him into exile, or deprive him of civil rights; and he may imagine, and others may imagine, that he is inflicting a great injury upon him: but there I do not agree.
For the evil of doing as he is doing—the evil of unjustly taking away the life of another—is greater far.
And now, Athenians, I am not going to argue for my own sake, as you may think, but for yours, that you may not sin against the God by condemning me, who am his gift to you.
For if you kill me you will not easily find a successor to me, who, if I may use such a ludicrous figure of speech, am a sort of Gadfly, given to the state by God; and the state is a great and noble steed who is tardy in his motions owing to his very size, and requires to be stirred into life.
I am that gadfly which God has attached to the state, and all day long and in all places am always fastening upon you, arousing and persuading and reproaching you.
You will not easily find another like me, and therefore I would advise you to spare me. I dare say that you may feel out of temper (like a person who is suddenly awakened from sleep), and you think that you might easily strike me dead as Anytus advises, and then you would sleep on for the remainder of your lives, unless God in his care of you sent you another gadfly.
When I say that I am given to you by God, the proof of my mission is this:
—If I had been like other men, I should not have neglected all my own concerns or patiently seen the neglect of them during all these years, and have been doing yours, coming to you individually like a father or elder brother, exhorting you to regard virtue; such conduct, I say, would be unlike human nature. If I had gained anything, or if my exhortations had been paid, there would have been some sense in my doing so; but now, as you will perceive, not even the impudence of my accusers dares to say that I have ever exacted or sought pay of any one; of that they have no witness. And I have a sufficient witness to the truth of what I say—my poverty.
Some one may wonder why I go about in private giving advice and busying myself with the concerns of others, but do not venture to come forward in public and advise the state. I will tell you why.
You have heard me speak at sundry times and in divers places of an oracle or sign which comes to me, and is the divinity which Meletus ridicules in the indictment.
This sign, which is a kind of voice, first began to come to me when I was a child; it always forbids but never commands me to do anything which I am going to do. This is what deters me from being a politician.
And rightly, as I think. For I am certain, O men of Athens, that if I had engaged in politics, I should have perished long ago, and done no good either to you or to myself. And do not be offended at my telling you the truth: for the truth is, that no man who goes to war with you or any other multitude, honestly striving against the many lawless and unrighteous deeds which are done in a state, will save his life; he who will fight for the right, if he would live even for a brief space, must have a private station and not a public one.
I can give you convincing evidence of what I say, not words only, but what you value far more—actions.
Let me relate to you a passage of my own life which will prove to you that I should never have yielded to injustice from any fear of death, and that ‘As I should have refused to yield’ I must have died at once. I will tell you a tale of the courts, not very interesting perhaps, but nevertheless true.
The only office of state which I ever held, O men of Athens, was that of senator: the tribe Antiochis, which is my tribe, had the presidency at the trial of the generals who had not taken up the bodies of the slain after the battle of Arginusae; and you proposed to try them in a body, contrary to law, as you all thought afterwards; but at the time I was the only one of the Prytanes who was opposed to the illegality, and I gave my vote against you; and when the orators threatened to impeach and arrest me, and you called and shouted, I made up my mind that I would run the risk, having law and justice with me, rather than take part in your injustice because I feared imprisonment and death. This happened in the days of the democracy.
But when the oligarchy of the Thirty was in power, they sent for me and four others into the rotunda, and bade us bring Leon the Salaminian from Salamis, as they wanted to put him to death. This was a specimen of the sort of commands which they were always giving with the view of implicating as many as possible in their crimes;
And then I showed, not in word only but in deed, that, if I may be allowed to use such an expression, I cared not a straw for death, and that my great and only care was lest I should do an unrighteous or unholy thing. For the strong arm of that oppressive power did not frighten me into doing wrong; and when we came out of the rotunda the other four went to Salamis and fetched Leon, but I went quietly home. For which I might have lost my life, had not the power of the Thirty shortly afterwards come to an end. And many will witness to my words. Now do you really imagine that I could have survived all these years, if I had led a public life, supposing that like a good man I had always maintained the right and had made justice, as I ought, the first thing?
No indeed, men of Athens, neither I nor any other man. But I have been always the same in all my actions, public as well as private, and never have I yielded any base compliance to those who are slanderously termed my disciples, or to any other. Not that I have any regular disciples.
But if any one likes to come and hear me while I am pursuing my mission, whether he be young or old, he is not excluded. Nor do I converse only with those who pay; but any one, whether he be rich or poor, may ask and answer me and listen to my words; and whether he turns out to be a bad man or a good one, neither result can be justly imputed to me; for I never taught or professed to teach him anything. And if any one says that he has ever learned or heard anything from me in private which all the world has not heard, let me tell you that he is lying.
But I shall be asked; Why do people delight in continually conversing with you?
I have told you already, Athenians, the whole truth about this matter: they like to hear the cross-examination of the pretenders to wisdom; there is amusement in it. Now this duty of cross-examining other men has been imposed upon me by God; and has been signified to me by oracles, visions, and in every way in which the will of divine power was ever intimated to any one.
This is true, O Athenians; or, if not true, would be soon refuted. If I am or have been corrupting the youth, those of them who are now grown up and have become sensible that I gave them bad advice in the days of their youth should come forward as accusers, and take their revenge; or if they do not like to come themselves, some of their relatives, fathers, brothers, or other kinsmen, should say what evil their families have suffered at my hands. Now is their time. Many of them I see in the court.
There is Crito, who is of the same age and of the same deme with myself, and there is Critobulus his son, whom I also see. Then again there is Lysanias of Sphettus, who is the father of Aeschines—he is present; and also there is Antiphon of Cephisus, who is the father of Epigenes; and there are the brothers of several who have associated with me. There is Nicostratus the son of Theosdotides, and the brother of Theodotus (now Theodotus himself is dead, and therefore he, at any rate, will not seek to stop him); and there is Paralus the son of Demodocus, who had a brother Theages; and Adeimantus the son of Ariston, whose brother Plato is present; and Aeantodorus, who is the brother of Apollodorus, whom I also see. I might mention a great many others, some of whom Meletus should have produced as witnesses in the course of his speech; and let him still produce them, if he has forgotten—I will make way for him. And let him say, if he has any testimony of the sort which he can produce. Nay, Athenians, the very opposite is the truth. For all these are ready to witness on behalf of the corrupter, of the injurer of their kindred, as Meletus and Anytus call me; not the corrupted youth only—there might have been a motive for that—but their uncorrupted elder relatives.
Why should they too support me with their testimony? Why, indeed, except for the sake of truth and justice, and because they know that I am speaking the truth, and that Meletus is a liar.
Well, Athenians, this and the like of this is all the defense which I have to offer. Yet a word more. Perhaps there may be some one who is offended at me, when he calls to mind how he himself on a similar, or even a less serious occasion, prayed and entreated the judges with many tears, and how he produced his children in court, which was a moving spectacle, together with a host of relations and friends; whereas I, who am probably in danger of my life, will do none of these things.
The contrast may occur to his mind, and he may be set against me, and vote in anger because he is displeased at me on this account.
Now if there be such a person among you,—mind, I do not say that there is,—to him I may fairly reply: My friend, I am a man, and like other men, a creature of flesh and blood, and not ‘of wood or stone,’ as Homer says; and I have a family, yes, and sons, O Athenians, three in number, one almost a man, and two others who are still young; and yet I will not bring any of them hither in order to petition you for an acquittal. And why not? Not from any self-assertion or want of respect for you. Whether I am or am not afraid of death is another question, of which I will not now speak. But, having regard to public opinion, I feel that such conduct would be discreditable to myself, and to you, and to the whole state.
One who has reached my years, and who has a name for wisdom, ought not to demean himself. Whether this opinion of me be deserved or not, at any rate the world has decided that Socrates is in some way superior to other men.
And if those among you who are said to be superior in wisdom and courage, and any other virtue, demean themselves in this way, how shameful is their conduct!
I have seen men of reputation, when they have been condemned, behaving in the strangest manner: they seemed to fancy that they were going to suffer something dreadful if they died, and that they could be immortal if you only allowed them to live; and I think that such are a dishonour to the state, and that any stranger coming in would have said of them that the most eminent men of Athens, to whom the Athenians themselves give honor and command, are no better than women.
And I say that these things ought not to be done by those of us who have a reputation; and if they are done, you ought not to permit them; you ought rather to show that you are far more disposed to condemn the man who gets up a doleful scene and makes the city ridiculous, than him who holds his peace.
But, setting aside the question of public opinion, there seems to be something wrong in asking a favor of a judge, and thus procuring an acquittal, instead of informing and convincing him. For his duty is, not to make a present of justice, but to give judgment; and he has sworn that he will judge according to the laws, and not according to his own good pleasure; and we ought not to encourage you, nor should you allow yourselves to be encouraged, in this habit of perjury—there can be no piety in that.
Do not then require me to do what I consider dishonorable and impious and wrong, especially now, when I am being tried for impiety on the indictment of Meletus. For if, O men of Athens, by force of persuasion and entreaty I could overpower your oaths, then I should be teaching you to believe that there are no Gods, and in defending should simply convict myself of the charge of not believing in them. But that is not so—far otherwise. For I do believe that there are Gods, and in a sense higher than that in which any of my accusers believe in them. And to you and to God I commit my cause, to be determined by you as is best for you and me.
There are many reasons why I am not grieved, O men of Athens, at the vote of condemnation. I expected it, and am only surprised that the votes are so nearly equal; for I had thought that the majority against me would have been far larger; but now, had thirty votes gone over to the other side, I should have been acquitted. And I may say, I think, that I have escaped Meletus. I may say more; for without the assistance of Anytus and Lycon, any one may see that he would not have had a fifth part of the votes, as the law requires, in which case he would have incurred a fine of a thousand drachmae.
And so he proposes death as the penalty. And what shall I propose on my part, O men of Athens? Clearly that which is my due. And what is my due?
What return shall be made to the man who has never had the wit to be idle during his whole life; but has been careless of what the many care for—wealth, and family interests, and military offices, and speaking in the assembly, and magistrates, and plots, and parties.
Reflecting that I was really too honest a man to be a politician and live, I did not go where I could do no good to you or to myself; but where I could do the greatest good privately to every one of you, thither I went, and sought to persuade every man among you that he must look to himself, and seek virtue and wisdom before he looks to his private interests, and look to the state before he looks to the interests of the state; and that this should be the order which he observes in all his actions.
What shall be done to such an one? Doubtless some good thing, O men of Athens, if he has his reward; and the good should be of a kind suitable to him. What would be a reward suitable to a poor man who is your benefactor, and who desires leisure that he may instruct you?
There can be no reward so fitting as maintenance in the Prytaneum, O men of Athens, a reward which he deserves far more than the citizen who has won the prize at Olympia in the horse or chariot race, whether the chariots were drawn by two horses or by many.
For I am in want, and he has enough; and he only gives you the appearance of happiness, and I give you the reality. And if I am to estimate the penalty fairly, I should say that maintenance in the Prytaneum is the just return.
Perhaps you think that I am braving you in what I am saying now, as in what I said before about the tears and prayers. But this is not so. I speak rather because I am convinced that I never intentionally wronged any one, although I cannot convince you—the time has been too short; if there were a law at Athens, as there is in other cities, that a capital cause should not be decided in one day, then I believe that I should have convinced you.
But I cannot in a moment refute great slanders; and, as I am convinced that I never wronged another, I will assuredly not wrong myself. I will not say of myself that I deserve any evil, or propose any penalty. Why should I? Because I am afraid of the penalty of death which Meletus proposes? When I do not know whether death is a good or an evil, why should I propose a penalty which would certainly be an evil?
Shall I say imprisonment? And why should I live in prison, and be the slave of the magistrates of the year—of the Eleven? Or shall the penalty be a fine, and imprisonment until the fine is paid? There is the same objection. I should have to lie in prison, for money I have none, and cannot pay.
And if I say exile (and this may possibly be the penalty which you will affix), I must indeed be blinded by the love of life, if I am so irrational as to expect that when you, who are my own citizens, cannot endure my discourses and words, and have found them so grievous and odious that you will have no more of them, others are likely to endure me. No indeed, men of Athens, that is not very likely.
And what a life should I lead, at my age, wandering from city to city, ever changing my place of exile, and always being driven out!
For I am quite sure that wherever I go, there, as here, the young men will flock to me; and if I drive them away, their elders will drive me out at their request; and if I let them come, their fathers and friends will drive me out for their sakes. For wherever he goes he must speak out.
Some one will say: Yes, Socrates, but cannot you hold your tongue, and then you may go into a foreign city, and no one will interfere with you?
Now I have great difficulty in making you understand my answer to this. For if I tell you that to do as you say would be a disobedience to the God, and therefore that I cannot hold my tongue, you will not believe that I am serious;
And if I say again that daily to discourse about virtue, and of those other things about which you hear me examining myself and others, is the greatest good of man, and that the unexamined life is not worth living, you are still less likely to believe me.
Yet I say what is true, although a thing of which it is hard for me to persuade you. Also, I have never been accustomed to think that I deserve to suffer any harm. Had I money I might have estimated the offense at what I was able to pay, and not have been much the worse. But I have none, and therefore I must ask you to proportion the fine to my means. Well, perhaps I could afford a mina, and therefore I propose that penalty: Plato, Crito, Critobulus, and Apollodorus, my friends here, bid me say thirty minae, and they will be the sureties. Let thirty minae be the penalty; for which sum they will be ample security to you.
Not much time will be gained, O Athenians, in return for the evil name which you will get from the detractors of the city, who will say that you killed Socrates, a wise man; for they will call me wise, even although I am not wise, when they want to reproach you.
If you had waited a little while, your desire would have been fulfilled in the course of nature. For I am far advanced in years, as you may perceive, and not far from death. I am speaking now not to all of you, but only to those who have condemned me to death.
And I have another thing to say to them: You think that I was convicted because I had no words of the sort which would have procured my acquittal—I mean, if I had thought fit to leave nothing undone or unsaid. Not so; the deficiency which led to my conviction was not of words—certainly not. But I had not the boldness or impudence or inclination to address you as you would have liked me to do, weeping and wailing and lamenting, and saying and doing many things which you have been accustomed to hear from others, and which, as I maintain, are unworthy of me. I thought at the time that I ought not to do anything common or mean when in danger: nor do I now repent of the style of my defense; I would rather die having spoken after my manner, than speak in your manner and live.
For neither in war nor yet at law ought I or any man to use every way of escaping death. Often in battle there can be no doubt that if a man will throw away his arms, and fall on his knees before his pursuers, he may escape death; and in other dangers there are other ways of escaping death, if a man is willing to say and do anything.
The difficulty, my friends, is not to avoid death, but to avoid unrighteousness; for that runs faster than death. I am old and move slowly, and the slower runner has overtaken me, and my accusers are keen and quick, and the faster runner, who is unrighteousness, has overtaken them.
And now I depart hence condemned by you to suffer the penalty of death,—they too go their ways condemned by the truth to suffer the penalty of villainy and wrong; and I must abide by my award—let them abide by theirs. I suppose that these things may be regarded as fated,—and I think that they are well.
And now, O men who have condemned me, I would fain prophesy to you; for I am about to die, and in the hour of death men are gifted with prophetic power. And I prophesy to you who are my murderers, that immediately after my departure punishment far heavier than you have inflicted on me will surely await you.
Me you have killed because you wanted to escape the accuser, and not to give an account of your lives. But that will not be as you suppose: far otherwise.
For I say that there will be more accusers of you than there are now; accusers whom hitherto I have restrained: and as they are younger they will be more inconsiderate with you, and you will be more offended at them. If you think that by killing men you can prevent some one from censuring your evil lives, you are mistaken; that is not a way of escape which is either possible or honorable; the easiest and the noblest way is not to be disabling others, but to be improving yourselves. This is the prophecy which I utter before my departure to the judges who have condemned me.
Friends, who would have acquitted me, I would like also to talk with you about the thing which has come to pass, while the magistrates are busy, and before I go to the place at which I must die. Stay then a little, for we may as well talk with one another while there is time.
You are my friends, and I should like to show you the meaning of this event which has happened to me. O my judges—for you I may truly call judges—I should like to tell you of a wonderful circumstance. Hitherto the divine faculty of which the internal Oracle is the source has constantly been in the habit of opposing me even about trifles, if I was going to make a slip or error in any matter; and now as you see there has come upon me that which may be thought, and is generally believed to be, the last and worst evil.
But the Oracle made no sign of opposition, either when I was leaving my house in the morning, or when I was on my way to the court, or while I was speaking, at anything which I was going to say; and yet I have often been stopped in the middle of a speech, but now in nothing I either said or did touching the matter in hand has the Oracle opposed me.
What do I take to be the explanation of this silence? I will tell you. It is an intimation that what has happened to me is a good, and that those of us who think that death is an evil are in error. For the customary sign would surely have opposed me had I been going to evil and not to good.
Let us reflect in another way, and we shall see that there is great reason to hope that death is a good; for one of two things—either death is a state of nothingness and utter unconsciousness, or, as men say, there is a change and migration of the soul from this world to another.
Now if you suppose that there is no consciousness, but a sleep like the sleep of him who is undisturbed even by dreams, death will be an unspeakable gain. For if a person were to select the night in which his sleep was undisturbed even by dreams, and were to compare with this the other days and nights of his life, and then were to tell us how many days and nights he had passed in the course of his life better and more pleasantly than this one, I think that any man, I will not say a private man, but even the great king will not find many such days or nights, when compared with the others. Now if death be of such a nature, I say that to die is gain; for eternity is then only a single night.
But if death is the journey to another place, and there, as men say, all the dead abide, what good, O my friends and judges, can be greater than this? If indeed when the pilgrim arrives in the world below, he is delivered from the professors of justice in this world, and finds the true judges who are said to give judgment there, Minos and Rhadamanthus and Aeacus and Triptolemus, and other sons of God who were righteous in their own life, that pilgrimage will be worth making. What would not a man give if he might converse with Orpheus and Musaeus and Hesiod and Homer?
Nay, if this be true, let me die again and again. I myself, too, shall have a wonderful interest in there meeting and conversing with Palamedes, and Ajax the son of Telamon, and any other ancient hero who has suffered death through an unjust judgment; and there will be no small pleasure, as I think, in comparing my own sufferings with theirs.
Above all, I shall then be able to continue my search into true and false knowledge; as in this world, so also in the next; and I shall find out who is wise, and who pretends to be wise, and is not.
What would not a man give, O judges, to be able to examine the leader of the great Trojan expedition; or Odysseus or Sisyphus, or numberless others, men and women too!
What infinite delight would there be in conversing with them and asking them questions! In another world they do not put a man to death for asking questions: assuredly not. For besides being happier than we are, they will be immortal, if what is said is true.
Wherefore, O judges, be of good cheer about death, and know of a certainty, that no evil can happen to a good man, either in life or after death.
He and his are not neglected by the Gods; nor has my own approaching end happened by mere chance. But I see clearly that the time had arrived when it was better for me to die and be released from trouble; wherefore the Oracle gave no sign. For which reason, also, I am not angry with my condemners, or with my accusers; they have done me no harm, although they did not mean to do me any good; and for this I may gently blame them.
Still I have a favor to ask of them.
When my sons are grown up, I would ask you, O my friends, to punish them; and I would have you trouble them, as I have troubled you, if they seem to care about riches, or anything, more than about virtue; or if they pretend to be something when they are really nothing,—then reprove them, as I have reproved you, for not caring about that for which they ought to care, and thinking that they are something when they are really nothing. And if you do this, both I and my sons will have received justice at your hands.
The hour of departure has arrived, and we go our ways—I to die, and you to live. Which is better God only knows.
The Symposium (Plato)
When Agathon finished speaking, Aristodemus said that there was a general cheer; the young man was thought to have spoken in a manner worthy of himself, and of the god.
Socrates: Tell me, son of Acumenus, was there not reason in my fears? And was I not a true prophet when I said that Agathon would make a wonderful oration and that I should be in a strait?
Eryximachus: The part of the prophecy which concerns Agathon appears to me to be true; but not the other part–that you will be in a strait.
Socrates: Why, my dear friend, must not I or any one be in a strait who has to speak after he has heard such a rich and varied discourse? I am especially struck with the beauty of the concluding words–who could listen to them without amazement? When I reflected on the immeasurable inferiority of my own powers, I was ready to run away for shame, if there had been a possibility of escape.
For I was reminded of Gorgias, and at the end of his speech I fancied that Agathon was shaking at me the Gorginian or Gorgonian head of the great master of rhetoric, which was simply to turn me and my speech into stone, as Homer says (Odyssey), and strike me dumb. And then I perceived how foolish I had been in consenting to take my turn with you in praising love, and saying that I too was a master of the art, when I really had no conception how anything ought to be praised.
For in my simplicity I imagined that the topics of praise should be true, and that this being presupposed, out of the true the speaker was to choose the best and set them forth in the best manner. And I felt quite proud, thinking that I knew the nature of true praise, and should speak well.
Whereas I now see that the intention was to attribute to Love every species of greatness and glory, whether really belonging to him or not, without regard to truth or falsehood–that was no matter; for the original proposal seems to have been not that each of you should really praise Love, but only that you should appear to praise him.
And so you attribute to Love every imaginable form of praise which can be gathered anywhere; and you say that ‘he is all this,’ and ‘the cause of all that,’ making him appear the fairest and best of all to those who know him not, for you cannot impose upon those who know him.
And a noble and solemn hymn of praise have you rehearsed. But as I misunderstood the nature of the praise when I said that I would take my turn, I must beg to be absolved from the promise which I made in ignorance, and which as Euripides would say; was a promise of the lips and not of the mind. Farewell then to such a strain: for I do not praise in that way; no, indeed, I cannot. But if you like to hear the truth about love, I am ready to speak in my own manner, though I will not make myself ridiculous by entering into any rivalry with you.
Say then, Phaedrus, whether you would like to have the truth about love, spoken in any words and in any order which may happen to come into my mind at the time. Will that be agreeable to you?
Phaedrus: Yes.
Socrates: Then, let me have your permission first to ask Agathon a few more questions, in order that I may take his admissions as the premises of my discourse.
Phaedrus: I grant the permission, put forth your questions.
Socrates: In the magnificent oration which you have just uttered, I think that you were right, my dear Agathon, in proposing to speak of the nature of Love first and afterwards of his works–that is a way of beginning which I very much approve.
And as you have spoken so eloquently of his nature, may I ask you further, whether love is the love of something or of nothing?
And here I must explain myself; I do not want you to say that love is the love of a father or the love of a mother–that would be ridiculous; but to answer as you would, if I asked is a father a father of something? To which you would find no difficulty in replying, of a son or daughter: and the answer would be right.
Agathon: Very true.
Socrates: And you would say the same of a mother?
Agathon: Yes.
Socrates: Yet let me ask you one more question in order to illustrate my meaning; Is not a brother to be regarded essentially as a brother of something?
Agathon: Certainly.
Socrates: That is, of a brother or sister?
Agathon: Yes.
Socrates: And now, I will ask about Love:–Is Love of something or of nothing?
Agathon: Of something, surely.
Socrates: Keep in mind what this is, and tell me what I want to know–whether Love desires that of which love is?
Agathon: Yes, surely.
Socrates: And does he possess, or does he not possess, that which he loves and desires?
Agathon: Probably not, I should say.
Socrates: Nay, I would have you consider whether ‘necessarily’ is not rather the word. The inference that he who desires something is in want of something, and that he who desires nothing is in want of nothing, is in my judgment, Agathon, absolutely and necessarily true.
What do you think?
Agathon: I agree with you.
Socrates: Very good. Would he who is great, desire to be great, or he who is strong, desire to be strong?
Agathon: That would be inconsistent with our previous admissions.
Socrates: True. For he who is anything cannot want to be that which he is?
Agathon: Very true.
Socrates: And yet, if a man being strong desired to be strong, or being swift desired to be swift, or being healthy desired to be healthy, in that case he might be thought to desire something which he already has or is. I give the example in order that we may avoid misconception. For the possessors of these qualities, Agathon, must be supposed to have their respective advantages at the time, whether they choose or not; and who can desire that which he has?
Therefore, when a person says, I am well and wish to be well, or I am rich and wish to be rich, and I desire simply to have what I have–to him we shall reply: ‘You, my friend, having wealth and health and strength, want to have the continuance of them; for at this moment, whether you choose or no, you have them. And when you say, I desire that which I have and nothing else, is not your meaning that you want to have what you now have in the future?’ He must agree with us–must he not?
Agathon: He must.
Socrates: Then, he who desires what he has at present be preserved to him in the future is equivalent to saying that he desires something which is non-existent to him, and which he does not possess?
Agathon: Very true.
Socrates: Then he and every one who desires, desires that which he has not already, and which is future and not present, and which he has not, and is not, and of which he is in want;–these are the sort of things which love and desire seek?
Agathon: Very true.
Socrates: Then now, let us recapitulate the argument.
First, is not love of something, and of something too which is wanting to a man?
Agathon: Yes.
Socrates: Remember further what you said in your speech, or if you do not remember I will remind you: you said that the love of the beautiful set in order the empire of the gods, for that of deformed things there is no love–did you not say something of that kind?
Agathon: Yes.
Socrates: Yes, my friend, and the remark was a just one. And if this is true, Love is the love of beauty and not of deformity?
Agathon: True.
Socrates: And the admission has been already made that Love is of something which a man wants and has not?
Agathon: Yes.
Socrates: Then Love wants and has not beauty?
Agathon: Certainly.
Socrates: And would you call that beautiful which wants and does not possess beauty?
Agathon: Certainly not.
Socrates: Then would you still say that love is beautiful?
Agathon: I fear that I did not understand what I was saying.
Socrates: You made a very good speech; Agathon, but there is yet one small question which I would fain ask:–Is not the good also the beautiful?
Agathon: Yes.
Socrates: Then in wanting the beautiful, love wants also the good?
Agathon: I cannot refute you; Socrates, let us assume what you say is true.
Socrates: Say rather, beloved Agathon, that you cannot refute the truth; for Socrates is easily refuted.
And now, taking my leave of you, I would rehearse a tale of love which I heard from Diotima of Mantineia, a woman wise in this and in many other kinds of knowledge, who in the days of old, when the Athenians offered sacrifice before the coming of the plague, delayed the disease ten years.
She was my instructress in the art of love, and I shall repeat to you what she said to me, beginning with the admissions made by Agathon, which are nearly if not quite the same which I made to the wise woman when she questioned me: I think that this will be the easiest way, and I shall take both parts myself as well as I can.
As you aforementioned; Agathon, I must speak first of the being and nature of Love, and then of his works.
**begins telling story of learning about love from Diotima**
First I said to her in nearly the same words which he used to me, that Love was a mighty god, and likewise fair; and she proved to me as I proved to him that, by my own showing, Love was neither fair nor good.
“What do you mean, Diotima,” I said, “Is love then evil and foul?”
Diotima: Hush, must that be foul which is not fair?
Socrates: Certainly.
Diotima: And is that which is not wise, ignorant? Do you not see that there is a mean between wisdom and ignorance?
Socrates: And what may that be?
Diotima: Right opinion; which, as you know, being incapable of giving a reason, is not knowledge; for how can knowledge be devoid of reason? Nor again, ignorance, for neither can ignorance attain the truth; but is clearly something which is a mean between ignorance and wisdom.
Socrates: Quite true.
Diotima: Do not then insist that what is not fair is of necessity foul, or what is not good evil; or infer that because love is not fair and good he is therefore foul and evil; for he is in a mean between them.
Socrates: Well, love is surely admitted by all to be a great god.
Diotima: By those who know or by those who do not know?
Socrates: By all.
Diotima: And how, Socrates (she said smiling); can Love be acknowledged to be a great god by those who say that he is not a god at all?
Socrates: And who are they?
Diotima: You and I are two of them.
Socrates: How can that be?
Diotima: It is quite intelligible; for you yourself would acknowledge that the gods are happy and fair–of course you would–would you dare to say that any god was not?
Diotima: Certainly not.
Diotima: And you mean by the happy, those who are the possessors of things good or fair?
Socrates: Yes.
Diotima: And you admitted that Love, because he was in want, desires those good and fair things of which he is in want?
Socrates: Yes, I did.
Diotima: But how can he be a god who has no portion in what is either good or fair?
Socrates: Impossible.
Diotima: Then you see that you also deny the divinity of Love.
Socrates: What then is Love? Is he mortal?
Diotima: No.
Socrates: What then?
Diotima: As in the former instance, he is neither mortal nor immortal, but in a mean between the two.
Socrates: What is he, Diotima?
Diotima: He is a great spirit and like all spirits he is intermediate between the divine and the mortal.
Socrates: And what is his power?
Diotima: He interprets between gods and men, conveying and taking across to the gods the prayers and sacrifices of men, and to men the commands and replies of the gods; he is the mediator who spans the chasm which divides them, and therefore in him all is bound together, and through him the arts of the prophet and the priest, their sacrifices and mysteries and charms, and all prophecy and incantation, find their way.
For God mingles not directly with man; but through Love all the intercourse of God with man transpires, whether awake or asleep.
The wisdom which understands this is spiritual; all other wisdom, such as that of arts and handicrafts, is mean and vulgar.
Now these spirits or intermediate powers are many and diverse, and one of them is Love.
Socrates: And who was his father, and who his mother?
Diotima: The tale will take time; nevertheless I will tell you.
On the birthday of Aphrodite there was a feast of the gods, at which the god Poros (Plenty), who is the son of Metis (Discretion), was one of the guests. When the feast was over Penia (Poverty), as the manner is on such occasions, came about the doors to beg.
Now Plenty who was the worse for nectar (there was no wine in those days), went into the garden of Zeus and fell into a heavy sleep, and Poverty considering her own straitened circumstances, plotted to have a child by him, and accordingly she lay down at his side and conceived Love, who partly because he is naturally a lover of the beautiful, and because Aphrodite is herself beautiful, and also because he was born on her birthday, is her follower and attendant.
And as his parentage is, so also are his fortunes.
In the first place he is always poor, and anything but tender and fair, as the many imagine him; and he is rough and squalid, and has no sholy be laughed at by them.
**Socrates stops telling story to acknowledge Aristophanes as he attempts to leave**
Socrates: Do you expect to shoot your bolt and escape, Aristophanes? Well, perhaps if you are very careful and bear in mind that you will be called to account, I may be induced to let you off.
**Aristophanes professed to open another vein of discourse; he had a mind to praise Love in another way, unlike that either of Pausanias or Eryximachus**
Aristophanes: Mankind, judging by their neglect of him, have never, as I think, at all understood the power of Love. For if they had understood him they would surely have built noble temples and altars, and offered solemn sacrifices in his honour; but this is not done, and most certainly ought to be done: since of all the gods he is the best friend of men, the helper and the healer of the ills which are the great impediment to the happiness of the race.
Socrates: I will try to describe his power to you, and you shall teach the rest of the world what I am teaching you. In the first place, let me treat of the nature of man and what has happened to it; for the original human nature was not like the present,
but rein is the evil of ignorance, that he who is neither good nor wise is nevertheless satisfied with himself: he has no desire for that which he feels no want.
**Socrates begins telling story again**
Socrates: But who then, Diotima, are the lovers of wisdom, if they are neither the wise nor the foolish?
Diotima: A child may answer that question; they are those who are in a mean between the two; Love is one of them.
For wisdom is a most beautiful thing, and Love is of the beautiful; and therefore Love is also a philosopher or lover of wisdom, and being a lover of wisdom is in a mean between the wise and the ignorant.
And of this too his birth is the cause; for his father is wealthy and wise, and his mother poor and foolish. Such, my dear Socrates, is the nature of the spirit Love.
The error in your conception of him was very natural, and as I imagine from what you say, has arisen out of a confusion of love and the beloved, which made you think that love was all beautiful.
For the beloved is the truly beautiful, and delicate, and perfect, and blessed; but the principle of love is of another nature, and is such as I have described.
Socrates: O thou stranger woman, thou sayest well; but, assuming Love to be such as you say, what is the use of him to men?
Diotima: That, Socrates I will attempt to unfold: of his nature and birth I have already spoken; and you acknowledge that love is of the beautiful.
But some one will say: “Of the beautiful in what, Socrates and Diotima?”
Or rather let me put the question more clearly, and ask:
When a man loves the beautiful, what does he desire?
Socrates: That the beautiful may be his.
Diotima: Still, the answer suggests a further question:
What is given by the possession of beauty?
Socrates: To what you have asked, I have no answer ready.
Diotima: Then, let me put the word “good” in the place of the beautiful, and repeat the question once more:
If he who loves, loves the good, what is it then that he loves?
Socrates: The possession of the good.
Diotima: And what does he gain who possesses the good?
Socrates: Happiness, there is less difficulty in answering that question.
Diotima: Yes, the happy are made happy by the acquisition of good things. Nor is there any need to ask why a man desires happiness; the answer is already final.
Socrates: You are right.
Diotima: And is this wish and this desire common to all? And do all men always desire their own good, or only some men?–What say you?
Socrates: All men. The desire is common to all.
Diotima: Why, then are not all men, Socrates, said to love, but only some of them? Whereas you say that all men are always loving the same things.
Socrates: I myself wonder why this is.
Diotima: There is nothing to wonder at.
The reason is that one part of love is separated off and receives the name of the whole, but the other parts have other names.
Socrates: Give an illustration.
Diotima: There is poetry, which, as you know, is complex and manifold.
All creation or passage of non-being into being is poetry or making, and the processes of all art are creative; and the masters of arts are all poets or makers.
Socrates: Very true.
Diotima: Still you know that they are not called poets, but have other names; only that portion of the art which is separated off from the rest, and is concerned with music and metre, is termed poetry, and they who possess poetry in this sense of the word are called poets.
Socrates: Very true.
Diotima: And the same holds of love.
For you may say generally that all desire of good and happiness is only the great and subtle power of love;
but they who are drawn towards him by any other path, whether the path of money-making or gymnastics or philosophy, are not called lovers…
the name of the whole is appropriated to those whose affection takes one form only–they alone are said to love, or to be lovers.
Socrates: I dare say that you are right.
Diotima: Yes, and you hear people say that lovers are seeking for their other half; but I say that they are seeking neither for the half of themselves, nor for the whole, unless the half or the whole be also a good. And they will cut off their own hands and feet and cast them away, if they are evil; for they love not what is their own, unless perchance there be some one who calls what belongs to him the good, and what belongs to another the evil.
For there is nothing which men love but the good. Is there anything?
Socrates: Certainly, I should say, that there is nothing.
Diotima: Then, the simple truth is, that men love the good.
Socrates: Yes.
Diotima: To which must be added that they love the possession of the good?
Socrates: Yes, that must be added.
Diotima: And not only the possession, but the everlasting possession of the good?
Socrates: That must be added too.
Diotima: Then love may be described generally as the love of the everlasting possession of the good?
Socrates: That is most true.
Diotima: Then if this be the nature of love, can you tell me further, what is the manner of the pursuit? What are they doing who show all this eagerness and heat which is called love? And what is the object which they have in view? Answer me.
Socrates: Nay, If I had known, I should not have wondered at your wisdom, neither should I have come to learn from you about this very matter.
Diotima: Well, I will teach you:
The object which they have in view is birth in beauty, whether of body or soul.
Socrates: I do not understand you, the oracle requires an explanation.
Diotima: I will make my meaning clearer:
I mean to say, that all men are bringing to the birth in their bodies and in their souls. There is a certain age at which human nature is desirous of procreation–procreation which must be in beauty and not in deformity; and this procreation is the union of man and woman, and is a divine thing; for conception and generation are an immortal principle in the mortal creature, and in the inharmonious they can never be.
But the deformed is always inharmonious with the divine, and the beautiful harmonious.
Beauty, then, is the destiny or goddess of parturition who presides at birth, and therefore, when approaching beauty, the conceiving power is propitious, and diffusive, and benign, and begets and bears fruit: at the sight of ugliness she frowns and contracts and has a sense of pain, and turns away, and shrivels up, and not without a pang refrains from conception.
And this is the reason why, when the hour of conception arrives, and the teeming nature is full, there is such a flutter and ecstasy about beauty whose approach is the alleviation of the pain of travail.
For love, Socrates, is not, as you imagine, the love of the beautiful only.
Socrates: What then?
Diotima: The love of generation and of birth in beauty.
Socrates: Yes.
Diotima: Yes, indeed.
Socrates: But why of generation?
Diotima: Because to the mortal creature, generation is a sort of eternity and immortality. And if, as has been already admitted, love is of the everlasting possession of the good, all men will necessarily desire immortality together with good: Wherefore love is of immortality.
What is the cause, Socrates, of love, and the attendant desire?
See you not how all animals, birds, as well as beasts, in their desire of procreation, are in agony when they take the infection of love, which begins with the desire of union; whereto is added the care of offspring, on whose behalf the weakest are ready to battle against the strongest even to the uttermost, and to die for them, and will let themselves be tormented with hunger or suffer anything in order to maintain their young.
Man may be supposed to act from reason; but why should animals have these passionate feelings? Can you tell me why?
Socrates: I am unsure, Diotima.
Diotima: And do you expect ever to become a master in the art of love, if you do not know this?
Socrates: But I have told you already, Diotima, that my ignorance is the reason why I come to you; for I am conscious that I want a teacher; tell me then the cause of this and of the other mysteries of love.
Diotima: Marvel not;
If you believe that love is of the immortal, as we have several times acknowledged; for here again, and on the same principle too, the mortal nature is seeking as far as is possible to be everlasting and immortal: and this is only to be attained by generation, because generation always leaves behind a new existence in the place of the old.
Nay even in the life of the same individual there is succession and not absolute unity: a man is called the same, and yet in the short interval which elapses between youth and age, and in which every animal is said to have life and identity, he is undergoing a perpetual process of loss and reparation–hair, flesh, bones, blood, and the whole body are always changing.
Which is true not only of the body, but also of the soul, whose habits, tempers, opinions, desires, pleasures, pains, fears, never remain the same in any one of us, but are always coming and going; and equally true of knowledge, and what is still more surprising to us mortals, not only do the sciences in general spring up and decay, so that in respect of them we are never the same; but each of them individually experiences a like change.
For what is implied in the word “recollection,” but the departure of knowledge, which is ever being forgotten, and is renewed and preserved by recollection,
and appears to be the same although in reality new,
according to that law of succession by which all mortal things are preserved, not absolutely the same, but by substitution, the old worn-out mortality leaving another new and similar existence behind–unlike the divine, which is always the same and not another?
And in this way, Socrates, the mortal body, or mortal anything, partakes of immortality; but the immortal in another way. Marvel not then at the love which all men have of their offspring; for that universal love and interest is for the sake of immortality.
Socrates: (astonished) Is this really true, O thou wise Diotima?
Diotima: Of that, Socrates, you may be assured;
think only of the ambition of men, and you will wonder at the senselessness of their ways, unless you consider how they are stirred by the love of an immortality of fame. They are ready to run all risks greater far than they would have run for their children, and to spend money and undergo any sort of toil, and even to die, for the sake of leaving behind them a name which shall be eternal.
Do you imagine that Alcestis would have died to save Admetus, or Achilles to avenge Patroclus, or your own Codrus in order to preserve the kingdom for his sons, if they had not imagined that the memory of their virtues, which still survives among us, would be immortal?
Nay, I am persuaded that all men do all things, and the better they are the more they do them, in hope of the glorious fame of immortal virtue; for they desire the immortal.
Those who are pregnant in the body only, betake themselves to women and beget children–this is the character of their love; their offspring, as they hope, will preserve their memory and giving them the blessedness and immortality which they desire in the future.
But souls which are pregnant –for there certainly are men who are more creative in their souls than in their bodies–conceive that which is proper for the soul to conceive or contain. And what are these conceptions?–Wisdom and virtue in general. And such creators are poets and all artists who are deserving of the name inventor.
But the greatest and fairest sort of wisdom by far is that which is concerned with the ordering of states and families, and which is called temperance and justice. And he who in youth has the seed of these implanted in him and is himself inspired, when he comes to maturity desires to beget and generate.
He wanders about seeking beauty that he may beget offspring–for in deformity he will beget nothing–and naturally embraces the beautiful rather than the deformed body; above all when he finds a fair and noble and well-nurtured soul, he embraces the two in one person, and to such an one he is full of speech about virtue and the nature and pursuits of a good man; and he tries to educate him; and at the touch of the beautiful which is ever present to his memory, even when absent, he brings forth that which he had conceived long before, and in company with him tends that which he brings forth; and they are married by a far nearer tie and have a closer friendship than those who beget mortal children, for the children who are their common offspring are fairer and more immortal.
Who, when he thinks of Homer and Hesiod and other great poets, would not rather have their children than ordinary human ones?
Who would not emulate them in the creation of children such as theirs, which have preserved their memory and given them everlasting glory?
Or who would not have such children as Lycurgus left behind him to be the saviours, not only of Lacedaemon, but of Hellas, as one may say?
There is Solon, too, who is the revered father of Athenian laws; and many others there are in many other places, both among Hellenes and barbarians, who have given to the world many noble works, and have been the parents of virtue of every kind; and many temples have been raised in their honour for the sake of children such as theirs; which were never raised in honour of any one, for the sake of his mortal children.
These are the lesser mysteries of love, into which even you, Socrates, may enter; to the greater and more hidden ones which are the crown of these, and to which, if you pursue them in a right spirit, they will lead, I know not whether you will be able to attain. But I will do my utmost to inform you, and do follow if you can.
For he who would proceed aright in this matter should begin in youth to visit beautiful forms; and first,
if he be guided by his instructor aright, to love one such form only–out of that he should create fair thoughts; and soon he will of himself perceive that the beauty of one form is akin to the beauty of another;
and then if beauty of form in general is his pursuit, how foolish would he be not to recognize that the beauty in every form is and the same!
And when he perceives this he will abate his violent love of the one, which he will despise and deem a small thing, and will become a lover of all beautiful forms;
in the next stage he will consider that the beauty of the mind is more honourable than the beauty of the outward form.
So that if a virtuous soul have but a little comeliness, he will be content to love and tend him, and will search out and bring to the birth thoughts which may improve the young,
until he is compelled to contemplate and see the beauty of institutions and laws, and to understand that the beauty of them all is of one family, and that personal beauty is a trifle; and after laws and institutions he will go on to the sciences, that he may see their beauty, being not like a servant in love with the beauty of one youth or man or institution, himself a slave mean and narrow-minded,
but drawing towards and contemplating the vast sea of beauty, he will create many fair and noble thoughts and notions in boundless love of wisdom; until on that shore he grows and waxes strong, and at last the vision is revealed to him of a single science, which is the science of beauty everywhere.
To this I will proceed; please to give me your very best attention:
He who has been instructed thus far in the things of love, and who has learned to see the beautiful in due order and succession, when he comes toward the end will suddenly perceive a nature of wondrous beauty; and this, Socrates, is the final cause of all our former toils –a nature which in the first place is everlasting, not growing and decaying, or waxing and waning;
secondly, not fair in one point of view and foul in another, or at one time or in one relation or at one place fair, at another time or in another relation or at another place foul, as if fair to some and foul to others, or in the likeness of a face or hands or any other part of the bodily frame, or in any form of speech or knowledge, or existing in any other being, as for example, in an animal, or in heaven, or in earth, or in any other place;
but beauty absolute, separate, simple, and everlasting, which without diminution and without increase, or any change, is imparted to the ever-growing and perishing beauties of all other things.
He who from these ascending under the influence of true love, begins to perceive that beauty, is not far from the end.
And the true order of going, or being led by another, to the things of love, is to begin from the beauties of earth and mount upwards for the sake of that other beauty, using these as steps only, and from one going on to two, and from two to all fair forms, and from fair forms to fair practices, and from fair practices to fair notions, until from fair notions he arrives at the notion of absolute beauty, and at last knows what the essence of beauty is.
This, my dear Socrates;
is that life above all others which man should live, in the contemplation of beauty absolute; a beauty which if you once beheld, you would see not to be after the measure of gold, and garments, and fair boys and youths, whose presence now entrances you; and you and many a one would be content to live seeing them only and conversing with them without meat or drink, if that were possible–you only want to look at them and to be with them. But what if man had eyes to see the true beauty–the divine beauty, I mean, pure and clear and unalloyed, not clogged with the pollutions of mortality and all the colours and vanities of human life–thither looking, and holding converse with the true beauty simple and divine?
Remember how in that communion only, beholding beauty with the eye of the mind, he will be enabled to bring forth, not images of beauty, but realities (for he has hold not of an image but of a reality), and bringing forth and nourishing true virtue to become the friend of God and be immortal, if mortal man may. Would that be an ignoble life?
Socrates: Such, Phaedrus–and I speak not only to you, but to all of you–were the words of Diotima; and I am persuaded of their truth. And being persuaded of them, I try to persuade others, that in the attainment of this end human nature will not easily find a helper better than love: And therefore, also, I say that every man ought to honour him as I myself honour him, and walk in his ways, and exhort others to do the same, and praise the power and spirit of love according to the measure of my ability now and ever. The words which I have spoken, you, Phaedrus, may call an encomium of love, or anything else which you please.
**When Socrates finished speaking, the company applauded**